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THE
HISTORY
OF
MASSACHUSETTS,
FROM THE
FIRST SETTLEMENT THEREOF
IN 16285
<T''''^ '
UNTIL THE YEAR. 1750.^^
I 17 '^oX
By THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Efq.
Late Governor of Massachusetts.
Hiftoria, non oftentatloni, fed fidel, veritatltjue compom'tur.
P/;«. £0. L. 7. E. 3 J
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. L
W^z CljirD OBDition*
With additional Notes and Corrections.
PRINTED AT SALEM,
Bt THOMAS C. GUSHING,
For THOMAS and ANDREWS, No. 45, iV>w3«ry-5/r^^/,^^<JB.
1795.
[^IN this Edition, hefides many corredions, Jome addi- tional Notes are placed in the ?nargin, which are inclofed \jhits~\, Mr. Hutchinson*^ fentimejits refpe^ing alle- giance and the political cojinexion of this country ipith Great- Britain are dijlingmjjjed by italic letters.']
CONTENTS.
Pa?e
If
The Preface^ 5
Chap. L The Hi/iory of the Colony of Maffachufetts,
from the firji Settlement until the Tear 1660, 9
Chap. II. Hifiorical Occurrences from the Refloration of King Charles II. f 5 the Tear 1686, vjhen the Charter was vacated^ 193
vjs-^CHAt. III. From the Diffolution of the Charter in. 16865 until the Arrival of the Province Charter in 1692, 314
Chap. IV. The Ecclcfiaftical Confiitutibn cf the Col-
07iy, and the fpecial religious Ciiftoms, 368
Chap. V. The Syflem or Body of Lazvs ejtahlifhed in
the Colony, 384
J Chap. VI. Of the original State of the Country ivith
RefpeSl to the Inhabitants and Soil, 404
APPENDIX.
No. I. The hmjible Rea^uefi of his Majejly^s loyal Subjeds, the Governor and Company late gone for Ne%v-E7igland, to the refi of their Brethren in and of the Church of England, 431
No. II. Certain Propofals made by Lord Say, Lord Brooke, and other Perfons of S^uality, as Conditions of their removing to Neiv-Emgland, with the A? fivers thereto, 433
No. III. Copy of a Letter from Mr: Cotton to
Lords Say and Seal in the Tear 16-76, 4-26
No. IV, Copy of a Comniiffion for regulating Plan- tations, 440
No. V. Copy of the General Court's Addirefs, the
6tb of Septe??iber, 1638, 442
No,
CONTENTS.
page
No. VI. The Thefes of the frji Clafs of Graduates
at Harvard College^ 1642, 444
No. VII. Copy of the Determination of Arbitrators for fettling the Line between New Haven and the Dutch, in 1650, 44^
No. VIII. Copy of a Petition to the Parliament in
1656, 448
No. IX. Copy of a Letter to Oliver CromVv'ell
in 1 6^ I ,fro?n the General Court of Maffachufetts, 450
No. X. Copy of an Addrcfs to Oliver Cromwell
in 1654, 452
Xw. XI. Copy of a Letter frora the Govermnent of the
Colony of Rhode-JJlaiid, concerning the S^iakcrs, 453
No. XII. Copy of a Letter from R. Cromwell,
Prote6lor.^ is'c. to the Governor and Magifirates of the Maffachifetts Colony in New England, 455
No. Xill. The Court's Declaration of their Rights
by Charter, in 1661, . 455
No. XIV. Copy of a Letter to William Goffe,
07ie of the Regicides, from his Wife, in 1662, 457
No. XV. Copy of a Commiffon frora King Charles II.
to Colonel Nichclg and others, in 1664, 459
No. XVI. Copy of the Addrcfs of the Majfachvfetfs
Colony to King Charles II. in 1664, 4^©
No. XVIL Copy of a Letter from the Earl of Clar-
ENDON to the MafJ'achufctts Colony, in 1664., 464
No. XVIII. Copy of a Letter from King Charles II.
to the Colony of New Plymouth, in 1666, 4^5
No. XIX. Copy of a Letter from King Charles II.
to the Maljac'oufetts Colony, in 1666, 466
No. XX. Samuel GoRTON'i Defence azainfl the
Charges upon him in Morton'j- Memorial. 467
No. XXI. Major Walley'^ journal in the Ex [se- dition againfi Canada i7i i6c)2, 470
PREFACE.
± HE repeated deftrudion of ancient records and papers by fire in the town of Bofton firft in- clined me to endeavour the prefervation of fuch materials as remained proper for an Hiflory of the MafFachufetts Colony. Many fuch came to me from my anceftors, who for four fucceffive genera- tions had been principal adtors in public affairs ; among the reft a manufcript hiftory of Mr Wil- liam Hubbard, which is carried dowii to the year 1680, but after 1650 contains but fev/ fails. ^ The former part of it has been of great ufe to me. It was fo to Dr. Mather in his liiftor)^, of which Nr. Nf.at.e's is little more than an abridg- ment. I made what colled:ion I could of the private papers of others of our firft fettlers, but in this I have not had the fuccefs I deflred. The defcendants of fome of them arc pofTeifed of rnany , valuable letters and other manufcriptc, but have not leiiure or inclination to look into them themfclves, and yet will not fufFer it to be done by others. I am obliged to no other perfon more than to my friend and brother the Reverend Mr. Mather, w^hofe library has been open to m.e as it had been before to the Reverend Mr. Prince, vv'ho had taken from thence the greateft anJ molt valuable part of what he had colledied.
Several
[* This manufcript is now in poffelTiou of the MalHichufctts Hiflcrlcal Society.]
VI
PREFACE.
Several gentlemen have given us encouragement to expedt from them an Hiftory of the Colony. Mr. Prince gave us the chronology of two or three years, and there left it. Mr. Prat, the late chief juftice of New York, has often mentioned to me his intention to prepare and publifh an Hiftory. Death has put it out of his power. Another gen- tleman of the iirft charader at the bar, whofe talents for it will not be called in queftion, has propofed the fame thing. V/ant of leifure for it has probably prevented.*
I am fcnfible that v/hoever appears in print fhould be able to difpofe his matter in fuch order, and clothe it with fuch flyle and language, as fhall not only inform but delight the reader ; therefore I would willingly have delivered over every thing I have colle<fied to a perfou uf genius for inch a work. But feeing no profped: of its being done by any other, I engaged in it myfelf, being very loth that v/hat had coft me fome pains to bring to- gether fhould be again fcattered and utterly loft.
I am fenfible of many defeats in this perform- ance, and that it ftands in need of all the apologies I am capable of making for it. It cannot be ex- ped:ed that the affairs of a colony ftiould afford much matter interefting or entertaining to the world in general. I write for the fake of my own countrym.en, and even to m.any of them I exped: fome fad:s will be thought of too little importance,
and
[* The gsntlenian here meant was Oxenbridge Thaciier, efquirc, who died the next year afti;i- this Volume was firft publiflied, viz. in 1765.]
PREFACE, vii
«\nd yet 1 have omitted many mch as have been been judged proper for the prefs by former hifto- rians. In general we are fond of knowing the mi- nut'ia which relate to our own anceftors. There are other fa<5ls which from the nature of them will afford but a dull and heavy narration. My chief defign is to fave them from oblivion.
All hiftorians profefs a facred regard to truth. I have found fome difficulty in guarding agaiml every degree of prejudice in .writing the hiftory of my own country. I hope by fhunning one ex- treme I have not run upon the other.
The Maflachufetts Colony may be confidered as the parent of all tlie other Colonies of New En- gland. There was no importation of planters from England to any part of the continent north- ward of Maryland, except to Maflachufetts, for more than fifty years after the Colony began. In the firfl ten years about twenty thoufand fouls had arrived in MalTachufetts. Since then it is fuppofed more have gone from hence to England than have come from thence hither. MalTachufetts, New Hampfnire, Connedicut, and Rhode Ifiand, at this day probably contain five hundred thoufand fouls. A furprifmg increafe of fubjeds of the Britifh crown !
Barbadoes and the leeward lllands owed very much of their fupplies of lumber, horfes and pro- vifions, with which they were furniflied at the
beginning
viu
PREFACE.
beginning of their fettlements from this colony in as gcpat plenty as they defired.
The addition of wealth and power to Great Britain in confequence of this firfl emigration of cur anceftors exceeds all expe(5tation. They left their native country with the ftrongeft affurances that they and their pofterity ihould enjoy the priv- ileges of free natural born Englifli fubjects. May the wealth and power of Britain ftill increafe in proportion to the increafe of her Colonies ; may thofe privileges never be abufed ; may they be preferved inviolate to the lateft pofterity.
THE
HISTORY
O F
MASSACHUSETTS.
CHAP. r.
From the firji Settisment «/ the Colony^ until the Year
1660.
TH E difcoveiy of America by Columbus, and of the northern continent by the Cabots, in the fifteenth century, and tlie feveral voyages of EngUili and French in the fixteeath, I pafs over, and begin with the voyage m*ide by Bartholomew Gofnold, an EngUlhman, in the year 1602, to that part of North- America fince called Ne*\'-England. It is not certain that any European had been there before. Hakluit mentions the landing of fomc of Sir H. Gilbert's men upon Ibme part of the continent ; but it is probable that was farther eafbvvard, upon what is now called Nova-Scotia, Gofnold landed firft on the eaftern coaft, which he calls MavoHien.* After fome commerce with the natives, he failed fouth ward, and landed upon one of the iflands called Elizabeth- Iflands.-j- He gave them that name in honour to Queen Eliz^abeth, who v.'as living when he left England ; and they have retained it ever fince. He built a fort, and intended a fettlement upon tl\e illand, or the continent near it j but he could
not
* About 43 degrees north.
f A little louthward of Cape-Cod. [He gave the name of Martha's Vineyari :»» one of ihefe iflands. Sec r'tikn^ft American biogxa^'hy, vol. i. p. a^S-J-
Vol. I. B
16 THE HISTORY OF (Chap. /,
not |:)erruade his people to remain there, and they all r:;- turned to England before winter.*
In 1603, De Monts obtained a pntcnt from Henry the Fourth of France, for all the country from the 40th to the 46th degree, by the name of Cadicyor Acadie.^ In 1604, De Monts ranged along the feacoail from St. Lawrence to Cape Cod, and to the Ibuth of it. He went far up Kennebcck nver, and into divers other rivers, bays and harbours. -f
In 1606, King James the Firfi: granted all the conti- nent, from 34 to 4^ degrees, which he divided into two colonics, viz', the Southerji, or Virginia, to certain mer- chants of London ; the Northern, or New*England, to merchants of Plymouth.
In 1607, fome of the patentees of the Northern colony began a fettlemcnt at Sagadehoc. They laid the plan of a g'rcat ftate.;j; The prefident died the firft winter, which was Extreme cold. Sir John Popham, his brother, the great promoter of the def.gn, and Sir John Gilbert, tlie admn-ars brother, died the fame year in Europe ; and the next year, i6ol),- fhe whole number which furvived the winter returned to Engkinch Their defign of a plantation was at an end.' Both Engliili iind French continued theu" voyages to the coaft, fame for filhing, and fome for trade \vith the natives ; aild fome feeble attempts were made by the French towards plantation's, but they were routed by the Englilh in 1613. There was no fpirit in the people of either nation for colonizing. Favourable accounts were publifhed of the continent by Capt. Smith and others : But who would remove and fettle in fo remote and uncultivated a part of the globe, rf he could live tolerably at home ?j| Tlie country woukf aiford no im- mediate
* This I. fappofc is what JofTelyn. and no other author, calls the firil'cojony -otisNew-Plymoiith ; for lie f;iyx. it was began in i6o7., :ind near Narraganl'et bay.
f He did not j^O into the Mad'achulctts b;iy, but (truck over from fome part of the ciftern (>.<)re to Gape-Annr and fo to Cape-Cod> and failed further fouth- ward- Chumji.
X The fallowing perfons were fent over to begin the colony : George Pbpliam» prtfulcnt ; Kawlcigh Gilbert, admiral; Edward Harlow, mafler of the ord- nance ; Robert Davies, fcrjeant-major; Ellis Bert, marlhal ; Seaman,
fecrctajty ; James Davie::, commander of the fort ; Go.'.ie Carew, fcareher ; and about one hundred commonalty.
li Q^'S porroj pr»»cr ijpcrlculcm horridi k igno;i maris, AfTa aut Africd aut
.. Itali4
1617] MASSACHUSETTS.. Ci
mediate fubfiftcnce, and therefore was not fit for indigent perfons. Particular perfons or companies would have been difcouragcd from fupporting a colony by the long continued expenfe and outlet, without any return.* No encouragement could be expected from the public. The advantages of comm,erce from the colonies were not then forefeen, but have been (ince learned by experience. Virginia in its infancy was fliruggling for life; and what its fate would hr.ve been, if the fattiers of it in England had not feen the rife and growth of other colonies near it, is uncertain.-}' God in his providence bringeth good out of* evil. Bigotry and blind zeal prevailed among chriflians of every fei5t or profeffion. Each denied to the other, what all had a right to cnioy, liberty of confcicnce. To this we mufb afcribe, if not the fettlemcnt, yet at lead the prefent flouritliing ftate, of North-America. Perfecution drove one Mr. Robinfon and his church from England to Holland, about the year 160B, They flayed about a year at Amfterdam, and then removed to Leydcn. In 1617, they began to think of removing to America. They laid great ftrefs upon their peculiar tenets, but this did not leiTen thelr'regard to morality. The manners of the Dutch v/ere too licentious for them. Their children left them ; fome became Toldiers, and others failors, in the Dutch iervice.^ In a few years their pofterity would have been Dutch, and tiieir church extlncc. They were at a lots v/hether to resiiove-to Guiana,']; or to Virginia ; but' the majority were in favour of the latter. The Dutch laboured to pcrfuade them to go to Hudfon's river, and fettle under their Weft'I-ndia- company ; but they- had not loft their affedion for the Englifh, and choic to be
• ' ' under
Italia reiiiSui C&rnnaniam peleret infarmcm terris. afpcfam ccsloi trifsem culm aijie^luKj; nin li patria lit. I'^ic. de msr. Gmt..
'Sir Fcrdinando Goi;!;ei and ' Cani. Mal'on 1'pent twenty tlioufand pounds each, in attempts for 1; ttk'msat ^..'and each of them thougljt it advifable to give over their defign^, a:id fit dov.r. with tli? lofs. . .■ „ .
1 Whether Britain woitld Ii.ive h?d any colonics- >• .\Tr.enca at this day, if^ Tfjligion had not been the gr«nd indiicenicnt, t? doiifcifTil. One hundrod and jv.cnty years had pa(ied> from the- difcovevy of 'Ji« uorib'.rn continent hy the >3abots, without any fuccef.;fi:l at'.einpt. Aftpr repeated attcppts iiad failed, it feems lefs p^ab.-ib)e that a'-.y fnould u.idcrtaJce; iu'Jupii an^aakir.^rhin u would tive been if no attp.nif.t hr.u b^en made. ^ -^
I -Sjr W.'V'-r Ra^v(clgh hadriifttl^hel^weof G<rri.aiiv-i^^^
B I
i ■
IS THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I
under their government and protcdion. They applied to the Virginia company for a patent of part of the coun- try. To render it probable th^t their undertaking would not, like all former, be aboFtive, they gave among others thefe fpecial reafons : " That they were well weaned from the delicate milk of their mother country, and enured to the difficulties of a ftrange land : That they were knit together in a {tri(5t and facred bond, by virtue of which they held themfelves bound to take care of the good of each other and of the whole : That it was not with them as with other men, whom fmall things could difcourage, or fmall difcontents caufe to wi(h themfelves at home again." 1 he Virginia company were very much pleafed with the application, and fome of the chief of then) ad- drefTed.the King to grant the petitioners liberty in religion under the great feal ; but this was refufed. He promifed to connive, and not moleft them ; but this would not do for them at that time. They laid afide the defign for that year. In 1619, they renewed their apphcation, and refolved to venture, though they could not have a fpeciai grant from the King, of liberty of confcience. They hoped their remote fituation would put them out of dan- ger of the eeclefiaftical courts. The affairs of the Virgin- ia company were in great confufion, and it' was the latter end of the year before the patent was granted. It was taken out under the company's feal to Joh^ Wincob. He lived in the family of the Countefs of Lincoln, and not removing with the reft, they never took any benefit trom the patent. Mr. Wefton, and other merchants of London, engaged, fome to adventure their money, and fome to go over with them. They therefore mad'e the necelTary preparations ; and in July, 1620, the principal of them went over to Southampton, where two fhips were ready to take them on board. They failed the beginning of Auguft, but were obliged repeatedly to put back, and to leave one of their fhips behind, with part of the com- pany, at laft. Th-sy intended for Hudfon's river, or the coaft near to it ; but the Dutch had bribed their pilot, and he carried them farther northward, io that they fell in about Cape-Cod, ajid arrived rn that harbour the i ith
of
i622] MASSACHUSETTS. r;
of November. The harbour is good, but the coiintiy h Tandy and barren. This was difcouraging, but it was too late in the year to put to Tea again. They coafted about in their boat, until they found a place more agreeable to them for a plantation, though not fo good a harbour. Here they brought the^r fliip, and determined to take up frlieir abode. They gave it the name of New- Plymouth. Capt. Smith happened to give the name of Plymouth to the fame place in 1 6 14. A very circumftantial account of the beginning and progrefs of this colony, wrote by Mr. Edward Winflow, one of the principal undertakers, is to be found among Purchafe's collections.*
The projeft of fettling America revived again; and a new patent was granted, bearing date Nov. 3d,^ 1620, incorporating the adventurers to the Northern Colony by the name of the Council for the Affairs of New-England ; the bounds of the country were expreffed between 40 and 48 deg. N. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mafon were two of the mod adtive members of this council. A.11 the feacoaft at one time or other has been granted or pretended to be granted by this council,, and Ibme parts feveral times over, partly from defe<5ts in form in preceding grants, and partly from unacquainted nefs with the geography of the country. The firft grant witii- in the bounds of MafBichuIetts was obtained by Mv, Wefton, who, in the fummer of 1622, fent over two fn ips, with 50 or 60 men, to begin a plantation at Weffa- gutfet, lince called Weymouth. They were fickly when they arrived, and received neceffaries and refrelhment from their neighbours at New-i^ymouth. They were a diflb- lute crew, foon brought themfelves to poverty, then robbed the Indians and offered other abufes to ihem. The Indians made their complaints to the colony of New- Plymouth i but the abufes continuing, the next year they laid a plot for the deftrudion of all Wefton's company.-;-
the
* In 1619, they obtained a patent from the Council of Plymouth.
+ It was this plantation which gave occafion to the author of Hudibras to make merry with New- England in general, for hanging a bed-rid weaver, inftead ot a ufcful cobler. The Plymouth people, their neighbours, allowed that there was fome foundation for the ftory. Several had been concerned in a theft. The In- dians ir.fifted that the ringleader ftiould be put to death. They hanged one who
was
14 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. T.
The plot was difcovered to the Ncw-PIynieuth people, who fent fome of their men and prevented the execution of it, by the furprife of thofe who were to be the principal adors. Mr. Wefton, coming over to vifit his plantation, was caft away in Ipfwich bay, and Gripped by the Indians of every thing but his (hirt. Being thus rendered incapa- ble of affording any relief to his colony, it came to an end after one year's continuance.
Capt. Robert Gorges obtained a patent from the coun- cil of Plymouth, dated Dec. 13, 1622, 10 miles in breadth, and 30 miles into the land on the northeafl fide of Mafia- chufetts bay. This was loofe and uncertain, and no ufe ever made of it.* He was fon to Sir Ferdinando, and em.ploysd by the council in 1623 as lieutenant-general, to reftrain interlopers and regulate ail affairs. He made fome attempts to revive Wefton's plantation, but returned home the fame year without fuccefs. Francis Weft came the fame year as vice-admiral, but made no ftay. The earl of Warwick had a patent for MatTachufctts-Bay about the fame time, but the bounds are not known.
In 1624, Lyford, the minitlcr of New-Plymouth, and one John Oldham, ftirred up a fadion there, and were banilhed that colony. They began a fettlement at Nan- taiket. The fame year, fome perfons belonging to Dor- chefter in England fent over fidiermen, and made necef- fary provifion for a ftihery at Cape-Ann ; and Roger Co- nant,-f- who with John Oldham had left Plymouth and
removed
was lefs culpable, and not like to live, in his ftead. Others fay, they deceived the Indians, and hanged up one who died of ficknels er famine, a little while be- fore. Hubbard.
• Robert Gorges conveyed his title to Sir William Brereton, who afterwards became an adventurer in the Maflachufetts corporation. He acquainted the com- pany that he did not intend to conteft with iliem, but defired a propoTtionable quantity of land might be affigned for the accommodation of his people and fer- vants. They gave liim a very refpeciful anfwer, but declined acknowledging his title by any capitulation. They promifed him land fufficient for the encouragc- meni of his dcfign, but ha muft take it as one of the company, &c. ALiff. Re. q<jrels, Ft6. lo, 4629. Wjica the new chatter in 1691 was preparing, one Mr. Levet, as heir at law to Sir William, laid a claim to the lands contained in this grant, but it met with no countenance from the committee of council. M.S.
+ He lived until about 1680, and died at Beverly in the county of Eflex. lie }s always fpoken of as a perfon. of worth. The fuperior condition of tlie perfons who came over with the charter, call a Ihade upon him, and he lived in pbfcnri- ty. There are feveral of his defcendents remaining ; fome of diltinCtion in the colony of Caane(Sic:ut. Govcrnor'sjfland in lioRon hatboxir was called ConaiU'i hi and.
i6i6] MASSACHUSETTS. 15
i-ernoved with the reft to Nantafkct, was appointed their bverfeer. A grant was made by one of the Gorges, it is not iaid which, to Oldham and others, of part of Mafla- chufetts-Bay, which occalionod fome difpute between them and the Maflachufetts grantees.*
In 1625, one Capt. VVolhifton, with about 30 perfons, began a plantation near Wefton's. They 'gave it the name of Mount Wollallon. It was known by that name fome years after ; but at length the name was loft in that of Braintree, of which town it is a part.-)- No mention is made of a patent to Wollafton. One Morton, of Furni- val's inn, was of this company. He w^as not left in com- mand, but contrived to make himfelf chief, changed the name of Mount Wollafton to Merry Mount, fet all the fervants free, ereftcd a may-pole, and lived a life of dillipa- tion until all the ftock intended for trade was confumed. He was charged with furnilhing the Indians with guns and ammunition, and teaching them the ufe of them. At length he made himfelf fo obnox;o:ys ,to the planters in all pirts, that 'at their genepj defire the people ot New- Plymouth feized him by ^n. armed force, and confined him until they hacj an opportunity of lending him to Eng- land. In the fall of 1626, Roger Conant, and fome if not all of his company, removed from Cape- Ann to a neck of land upon Naumkcag river. I find mention made of planters at Wmifimet about the fame time, who probably removed there from fome of the other plantations. Thii: is all the account we have of any fcttlcments or attempts
for
• At the en^ of the firft book of records of deeds for the county of Sufrolk, ia^ the copy of a letter fVoni the company in England to Captsia Jolvn Endicot) dat- ed Gravefend, i^tli April, 16291 in the clofe of which is thus written :
" I iindc Mr. Oldham's graunt from VIr. Gorge, is to him and John Dorrell: for all the laiids within Mattachufett bay betwene Charls river and Aboufett riv- er, containing in lengtli by a ftraiglit line 5 miles up the faid Ciiavls river into the maine land, "north well from the border of the faid bay, including all creeks and j)oynts by the way ; and 3 miles in length from the mouth of the afortfaid river of Aboufett up into the maine land, upon a Itraight line fouth weft, including all creeks and ponds, and all the land in breadth and length betwene the torefaid rivers, witii all prerogatives, royal mines excepted. The rent rcfervcd is i;d. on every hundred acres of land that fhall be ufed. William Blacklton, clerk, and y/illiam Jetfrys, gent, authorifed to put Jphn Oldham ir. poflelfion. Having a fight of tlieir graunt this I found, thn' 1 hold it voyde in law, yet his claime be- ing to this, you may in your difcretion prevent him, by caufuig fome to take po^V Ipnion of the chief part thereof."
+ The particular hill which crjfud ths name of Mount) is in thi: farm of Nor* tpn Q^incyj EI4.
i6 THE HISTORY OF {Chap. L
for fettlements in Maflachufetts-Bay until the year 1627* Mr. White, the minifter of Dorehefter, had encouraged Conant and his company to remain in New-England, and promiled them men, provifions, Sec.
In 1627, March 19, the council of Plymouth fold to Sir Henry Rofwell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicot, and Simon Whetcomb, who lived about Dorchefter in England, their heirs and aflbciates, all that part of NewrEngland three miles to the fouth of Charles river, and three miles north of Merrimack river, from the Atlantic to the South Sea. All the lefTer grants which have been mentioned within thofe limits (the fettlement of the country being entirely negleded by the grantees) were without doubt looked upon to be for- feited or void. The conditions or tenor of none of them appear at this day. It is very likely the three perfons firfh named in this grant had nothing more in view by the pur- chafe than a fettlement for trade with the natives, or for fifliery, or other advantageous purpofes. As foon as a colony for religion was projeded, we hear no more of them.* The other three remained. Mr. White manag- ed a. treaty between Sir Richard Saltonftall, Matthew Cradock, and John Venn, Efquires, and divers others in and about London, and the original patentees. A pur- chafe was made, and the fame fummer Mr. Endicot,-}- one of the original patentees, was fent over to Naumkeag with planters and lervants, and all the affairs of the colony com- hiitted to his care. The patent from the council of Ply- mouth
• Some of the principal of the libfral fpeakers in parliament being committed to the tower, others to other priforiSi this took away all h ^z of reformation of church government from many not affecting epifcopal jurifdiction, nor the ufual prattice of the common prayers of the church ; thereof there were feveral forts, though not agreeing among themfelves, yet all of like diflike of thofe particulars. Some of the difcrceter fort, to avoid what they found themfelves fubjcd toi made ufe of their friends to procure from the council for the affairs of New. England to fettle a colony withiri their limits. In a very lliort time numbers of people of all forts flocked thither in heaps, that at laft it was efpecially ordered, by the King's command, that none Ihould b» fufiered to go without licence; fo that what I long before propheficd when I could hardly get any for money to refidc there was now brought to pals. Ferd. Gorges Hiji. t^eiu- England.
i His inftruflions were dated London, May .50, i6i8, and figned by John Venn, Matthew Cradock, George Harwood, John Humphry, Richard Perry, George Hewfon, Samuel Alderfey, Thomas Stevens, Jofeph Caxon, Thomas Webb, Increafe Nowell, Hugh Peters, John White, and Abraham Palnaer. Hi* firft letters from Naumkeag \Vcre dated Sept. 13, i6iS.
1628] MASSACHUSETTS. 1,7
mouth gave a good right to the foil, but no powers of government. A royal charter was neceffary. This paffed the feah March 4, 1628. Matthew Cradock was appoint- ed the firll governor, and Thomas Goffe deputy governor. Two days before, March 2d, fome affairs of the colony requiring it, there had been a meeting of the company, at which both governor and deputy are named as fuch. The day for the annual election of officers by charter being the laft Wednefday in Eafter term, on the 13th of May, 1628, Mr. Cradock was chofen governor by the company, and Mr. Goffe deputy governor ; and Sir Richard Saltonftall, Ifaac Johnfon, Samuel Alderfey, John Venn, John Hum- phry, Simon Whetcomb, Increafe Nowell, Richard Perry, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vaflall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutchins, George Foxcroft, William Vaflall, William Pynchon, John Pocock, and Chriftophcr Coulfon, afllfbants. William Burgis was chof- en fecretary in the room of John Walhburne. At this court it was determined, that ever}- one of the company who had fubfcribed fifty pounds fhould have 200 acres of land afllgned, and in proportion for a greater or lefler fum, as the firll dividend. The names of all the adventurers, and the fums fubfcribed, were fent over to Mr. Endicot, who was appointed their governor in the plantation. A fecond embarkation of planters and fervants had been de- termined, at a meeting April 30, to be made with all fpeed.* Four miniflers were provided. Three of them, Francis Higginfon, Samuel Skelton, and Francis Bright, were readily accepted by the company, and had all due encouragement promifed them ; the fourth, Ralph Smith, was required to give under his hand, that he would not cxercife his miniftry within the limits of the patent without the exprefs leave of the governor upon tlie fpot.-|~ Five
fhips
• Mr. Endicot fent three brethren, Ralph, Richard and William Sprague, to explore the couiury weftward- Between Miftick and Charles rivers they find a body of Indians fettled, called Abcrginians, and one Englifli houfe thatched, and pofTefled by Thomas Walford, a fmith. The Indian name of the neck, was Mifli- awun, now C.harleftown. Thefe firft travellers, with the confent of the IndianJt took up their abode there. Some of their pofterity remain there and in othw- parts of the colony to this day.
+ Mr. Bright, one of thefe minifters, is faid by Hubbard to have been a, con- formift. H« went foojn after his arrival to Charlcftown, and tarried about a year
i8 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. T.
fliips were provided for this embarkation. Mr. Higginfon fays in Ins journal, that he failed from the Iflc of Wight the nth of May, and arrived at Cape- Ann the 27th of June, and at Naumkeag the 29th. They found at Naumkeag about 100 planters, 8 houfes, befides a fair houfe built for Mr. Endicot. The old and new planters together were about 300, of which 100 removed to Charlefl:own, where there was a houfe built ; the reft re- mained at Salem. Mr. Endicot had corrcfponded with the fettlers at Plymouth, who fatisfied him that they v.-ere right in their judgments of the outward form of worfliip being much like to that of the reformed churches in France, &c.* On the 20th of July, Mr. Higginfon and Mr. Skelton, after fading and prayer, were firft eleded by the company for their miniftcrs, the firft teacher, the other paftor, each of them, together with three or four grave members, laying their hands on the other with folemn prayer. Nothing is laid of any church being then form- ed ; but on the 6th of Auguft, the day appointed for the choice and ordination of elders and deacons, thirty perfons entered into a covenant in writing, which is faid to be the beginnins; of the church, and that the minifters.were or- dained or inftituted anew. The repetition or this form they probably thought ncceffary, bccaufe the people were not in a church ftate before. It is difficult to alTign any other reafon. Meflengers or delegates from the church of Plymouth were expefted to join with them ; but con- trary winds hindered them in their paliage, fo that they
did
in the country. Mr. Smith feems to have been of the reparation in England, which occafioned the caution ufed with him. He was a little while at Nantai'- Icet, and went from thence to Plymouth, where he was their minifterfeverai years.
• Mr. Hubbard in his M. S. hiftory remarks upon this occafion, " It is cer- tainly known, that the old non-confoimifts. and good old puritans of Queen Lli- beth's and Kin^ James's time, did in many things not fymbolize with the fepa- tilts, the one endeavouring only a reformation of feme corruptions retained or crept into the church (as they thought) either before or after its reformed ftate ; the other, not content therewith, ftood as fliff.v to maintain a neccffity of difan- nulling their former church ftate, as that like a velVel once ipfeoied' with leprofy, it muft be broken in pieces to, be new caft. It is affirmed that Mr. Hilderlbam advifed Mr Higginfon and other miniftei's looking this wiy, to agree upon their form of church government before they came away from Fngland, which counfel, if it had b?en attended to, might have prevented fpmc inconvenience that hath fmee fallen out, or at leaft have faved fome of the fuccceding minifters fiom tlie impn-.j tation -of departing from their firft; principles, beeaufc they were not publicly de- clared in the beginning of things." M. 5. ////?■
1629] MASSACHUSETTS. 19
did not arrive until the afternoon, biit time enough to give the right hand of fellowlhip. Two of the companv, John Brown and Samuel Brown, one a lawyer, the other a merchant, both men of good ertate?, and of the firft pa- tentees and of the council, were diflatisfied. They did not like that the common prayer and fen ice of the church of England (hould be wholly laid afide j and therefore drew off, wath as many as were of their fentiments, from the reft, and fct up a feparate fociety. This offended the governor, who caufed the two members of his council to be brought before him, and judging that this practice, together with fome foeeches they had uttered, tended t'o fedition, he fent them back to England. The heads of the party being removed, the oppofition ceafed.*
Whilft thefe things were doing in the colony, tlie com- pany in England were projeAing a much larger embarka- tion, and the transfer of the corporation itfelf from Old P^ngland to New. Several gentlemen of figure and eftate, Ifaac Johnfon, John Winthrop, Thomas Dndle3% and divers others, who were dilfatisfied with the arbitrary pro- ceedings both in church and ftate, pleafed themfelves with the profped of liberty in both, to be enjoyed in America ; and propofed to the company at London to remove with their families, but upon this condition only, that the pa- tent and charter fliould remove with them. This pro- pofaf was firft communicated July the zSth, 1629. A committee was appointed to confider of it, and to advife with counfel learned in the law, and to make report. The adventurers had been at great expenfe without any returns made to them, and had no rational profpccl of any profit from the plantation in the way they were in. The prin- cipal objedion feems to have aroie from a doubt whether
fuch
• They applied to the company, upoji thtir arrival in England, for recompcnce for the damages they had fultained. and the matter was referred to Samuel Vaf- fall, William Vailall, Simon Whetcomb, and William Pynchon» cholen by the complainants ; and John White, John Davenport, Ifaac Johnfon and John Win- throp, chofen by the company. The letters which the Browns had fent over to their private fiicnds, were Itoppcd by the company in England, and opened and pubUcly read, to prevent any prejudice to the plantation. Mj_^. Rtc. It does not appear by the rwords how the difputc was finally ifiued.
«• It is a principle, that every religion which is perfecuted, becomes itfelf per- secuting ; tor as foon as by fome accidental turn it arifes from perfecution, it attack! the religion which perfecuted it." &c. Spirit of Luvju
20 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L
fuch a transfer was legal. The report of the committee is not recorded. Mr. White, a counfellor at law, was .one of the company, and great ftrefs ivas laid upon his opinion ; and on the 29th of Auguft it was determined, " by the general confent of the company, that the govcrc- ment and patent ^nould be fettled in New-England." It is evident from the charter, that the original defign of it was to conftitute a corporation in England, like to tliat of the Eafl-lndia and other great companies, with powers to fettle plantations within the Hmits of the territory, under fuch forms of government and magiftracy as ihould be fit and necelTary. The firft ftep, in fending out Mr. Endicot, appointing him a council, giving him commif- fion, inftru6lions, &c. was agreeable to this confbruition of the charter.
In ccnfequence of this new refolution, the members of the corporation which remained in England were to retain a Ihare in the trading flock and the profits of it for the term of feven years. The management of it v^-as commit- ted to five perfons who were going over, viz. J. Win- throp, Sir Richard Saltftonfiall, I. Johnfon, T. Dudley, and J. F^evell ; and to five who were to remain, M. Cradock, N. Wright, T. Eaton, T. Goffe, and J. Young; -and at the expiration of the tenn, the ftock, with the profits, were to be divided to each man in proportion to his adventure. All other pov/ers and privileges were to remain -with tlic planters upon the fpot. We have no account of any div- idend ever made, nor indeed of any trade ever carried on for the company. There was another article, that one halt the charge of fortifications and fupport of the miniflers fhould be paid out of the joint flock, but no notice vv'as taken of it in the colony.
The 20th of October, at a general court of governor, deputy and afllftants, and the generality, a new choice v/as made of governor, &c. confifting of iuch perfons as had determined to go over with the patent. John Winthrop was eleded governor, John Humphry deputy governor. Sir Richard Salttonftall, Ifaac Johnfon, Thomas Dudley, John Endicot, Increafe Noweil, William Vafiall, William Pynchon, Samuel Sharp, Edward RoiTiter, Thomas
Sharp,
1629]
MASSACHUSETTS. zi
Sbarp, John Revell, Matthew Cradock, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Alderfey, John Venn, Nathaniel Wright, Theo- philus Eaton, and Thomas Adams, afiiftants.* They
did
* I have endeavoured to obtain as particuUr account as can be now had* of the characler and circumltances of the principal undertakers.
Mr. Winthrop, the governor, was of Groton, in Suffolk, defccnded from repu- table anceftors. One of thern, Adam Winthrop, is faid to have been an eminent lawyer, and alfo a great favourer of the gofpel, in the reign of Henry the Eighth. Mr. Winthrop was a judice of peace at the age of eighteen; and very early in life was exemplary for his polite as well as grave and chriftian deportment. He had an eftate of fix or feven hundred pound - a year, wliich he turned into money, and emhari<ed his all to promote the fctilement of New- England. It is a very full evidence of the eltcem he was in, that when many gentlemen of charadler, fomc of them of nobis a'lliance, were concerned in the fame undertaking with him, he» by a general voice, was placed at their head. He ^vas eleven times chofen gover-- nor, and fpent his whole eftate in the public fervice, the Itipend being fmall, and liis hofpitality great, and his bayliif unfaithful. His fun and grandfon vviere fuc- ' ceffively governors of Connecticut colony. His great-grandfon, John Winthrop. El"q. died in London, about 12 or 14 years ago. He was knov.n there by the- name of Governor Winthrop, a Fellow of the Royal Society, and one volume of the Philofophical Tranfatlions is dedicated to him. And his poflcrity have been ever lince relpecled and honoured, both in Connedlicut and in MaUachui'ctts. Mr. Winthrop was about 43 years of age, when he removed.
Mr. Dudley's father, Capt. Roger Dudley, loft his life in the fervice of his country, leaving no other Ion. Mr. Dudley early in life engaged in the fame fer- vice. In 1^97, he railed a company of volunteers, received a captaincy from- Queen Elizabeth, went over to France, and was at the tiegc of Amiens under Henry the Fourth. After his return to England, he married a gentlewoman of good family and eftate, and fettled near Northampton, in the neighbourhood of Mr. Dod, Hilderlham, and other celebrated puritan minilters ; was a devout at- ten-dant upon their miniftry, and (all hough he had been an officer) became a fober non-conformift. Lord .Say and Seal recommended him to the Earl of North- hampton. The Earl, when he came to his eftate, found it encumbered and en- tangled ; but putting his atfairs under the care of Mr Dudley, he, by his prudent management, very happily extricated them. After which, leaving the fervice of the Earl, he removed to Bofton, where he became acquainted with Mr. Cotton. He was foon dcftred to return to the Earl's family, where he continued until he came to New-England. He was lar advanced in life for fuch an undertaking, be- ing hfty-four years of age. He was chofen into the magiftracy every year of his life afterwards, four years governor, and often deputy governor. He married a fecond time in his old age, and had a new let of children ; and it is very remaik- able, that he was a captain in 1597 ; and in 1764 two of his grand-children are living, viz. one elderly lady at New- London, in Conncdicut colony, the widow of John Winthrop Elq. great-grandfon of the firft governor) and another at Newbu- ry in MaHachufetts, Mrs. Atkins.
Mr. Humphry was early engaged. He was one of the fix original patentees from the council of Plymouth. He was prevented from coming over with the charter. He married the Lady Sufan, daughter to the Earl of Lincoln, and brought her with their children to New-England in 1631, and was immediately chofen an afliftant. He fettled at Saugus, now Lynn, about i% miles from Bof- ton. Ebenezer Burrill, Efq. late of the council, lived on part of his farm. Up- og an invitation from Lord Say, he intended in the year 1640 to have removed to the Bahama iflands ; but the ifland of Providence being taken by the Spaniards, he gave over that deiign. Soon after, having met with great lofles by tire, ami his eftate being^much impaired, he fold his plantation at Saugus to lady Moody, and returned to England.
Sir Richard Saltonftall was the firft named aftbciate to the fix original paten- tees. Although he remained but a Ihort time in New-England, yet his heart was
fet
22 THE HI^TOHY OF [Chap L
did not all go over. From time to time, until tha general embarkation, as any one declined, fome other perfon was cbofen in his ftead. Firft, Roger Lud- low was chofcn inftead of Sr.muci Sharp.* Whilft they
were
fet upon promoting the colony. He fcnt over two of his fons, one of which was. cholen into the magiftracy, and continued in it, except while he was abfcnt in England, until alter the year 1680. Sir Richard was fon or grandfon of Sir Richard Saltonftall, Lord Mayor of London in js97. He lived many years after his return to England. I have feen his name among the commilTionejs for the trial of Lilburn, or fome other ottender againll the ftate- By a will made in 1658, he gave a legacy to the college in New- England. His grcat-grandfon. Gur- don Saltoiiftall, was many years governor of Connecticut ; and fome of his pof- terity in that colony, and Malfachufetts, are in efteem and honour to this day- Sir ]ohn Foohci a city knigbt in King William's reign, married his great-grand- daughter.
Mr. johnfon, in a will uncancelled, and which remains on the MaHachufetts files, executed April 28, in the 5th of King Charles the Firft. calls himfelf of Clip- lliam in the county of Rutland, fon of Abraham Johnfon, Efq. and grandfon of Robert Johnfon. Doctor Chaderton was his mother's father. He had much ths largert dtate of any of the undertakers. It lay in Rutland. Northamptonihlre, and Lincolnlliire. He values his ijuereft at that time in the New-England ad- venture, at lix hundred pounds. He had no children. After providmg for Wi% lady, he gave a great number of legacies to his friends, and to pious and charita- ble ufcs ; his lands he gave to his father and brethren. To Mr. Cotton, from wliom, to the praile of God's grace, he acknowledges to have received much he![» and comfort in his fpiritual eftate, he gave thirty pounds, and a gown cloth. Th^ ,-idvowfon and right of patronage of the pariih cliurch of Cliplham, he gave to Mr. Dudley and Mr. Cotton. Ho United Ids funeral charges to 250!. As Pro- vidence ordered it, a fmall part of thtt fum fulhceit. His heart was fet on the New- England concern, and he ordered his excc.Uois to carry on his (hare or part jn it. He made another will before liis death, ami appointed John Hampden, Efq. one of his executors with Winthrop and Dudley. Upon his death bed, he is laid to have rejoiced that he had lived to fee a cluirch of Ciuift gathered in America, and profciied that he tiiought his life better fpcnt, than in any other way. He was buried, at his own requell, in part of the ground upon Trinion- tain or Bolton, which he had chofcn for his lot, the fquare between School ftrcet andQiieenllrcet. He may belaid to have been the idol of the [Kople, for they order- ed their bodies, as they died, to he buiied round hini, and this was the reafon of appropriating for a place of burial what is now called the old burying place, ad- joining to King's ohapel. Hp married the lady Arabella, another daughter of the Earl O; Lincoln.
Mr. Endicot, the next named, was among the moft zealous undertakers, and the molt rigid in principles, as will appear in the courfc cf the hilfory. This difpolltion diftinguilhcd him more th^n his other mental accomplilr.mcnts, or his ^.outward condition ia life. I have feen a letter fiom the i'ecretary of Rate in King Charles the Second's time, w.herein is this exprcHion: "The King would take it well, if the pecple would leave out Mr. Endicot from the place of governor." Some of his poUerity reniaia at or near Salem.
Mr. Nowell was nephew to Alexander Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's, in Queen Elizabeth's reign, or clfc the Dean was his great uncle. He was a ruling elder, fome time, of tlie church at Chavlelfown ; but that phice, and a place in the civil order, were thought, in that day, not well to coniill, and therefore he quitted it> ehoohng the pJav-es of affiitant and fecretary.
Mr. William ValVall, as well as his brother Samuel Vana^ll, v/e.rd gentlemen of good circumltanccs tn England, but do not feem to have been fully ot the funic icntiment in matters of religion with the planter* in general i a«d although Wil-
lianv
* Sumuel Sharp came over afterwards and iivfcd at Salemi but was never lef- fored to the magiltracy. /M-iJT. R,t.
1629]
MASSACHUSETTS.
were at Southampton (March iS) Sir Bryan Janfeii, Wil- liam Coddington and Simon Bradftreet vvjSre choien in the room of Mr. Wright, Eaton and Goitc, and yet Sir Bryan
never
linm cr.me over with the firft company, yet he foon went back to England. He returned a few yeais alter to New-England, and fcttlcil ai Scituate in Piynxoutli coloriy, not becaufc they were reputed more rij;id than the MalVachufetts people. When Jamaica was taken by Cromwell he laid the foundation of fcveral tineeltatcs there, enjoyed by his pofterity to the prefent time.
Mr. Pynclion was a gentleman of learning as well as religion. He laid the foundation of Roxbury, hut foon removed to Connecticut rive/, was the father of the town of Springfield, where his family hath tiouriihed ever CiDue.
fJd^vard Roffiter was of a gwod family in the Welt of England. He died the nrft year. His fon lived afterwards at Combe. His giandion, Edward Roiritert \n the year ifiS2 was deacon of Mr. Jofeph Alleine's church in Taunton. He iays in a letter, ilaied March 28, i6'ii, that his grandfather, a pious gentleman of .^ood ellatPi left England for the fake of religion.
Thomas Sharp and John Rcvell made but a Ihort ftay in New- England.
Mr. Eaton was an Eail country merchant. His father was a minifter in Co- ■ entry. He did not come to New-England until 1637; and then fettled New- Haven colony, of which he v.as governor all his life after. His correfpondence. 00th with the governor of MalTachufetts aiul with the Dutch governor of Manhadoe?, or Mow- York, difcover a good underllanding and a virtuous mind.
Mr. Coddington was of LincolnlTiire, zealoua to a great degree ; was afterwards ;he fdth.:r ox'Rhode-Illand colony, where his zeat abated and he promoted a gen- .2ral toleration. He was many years their governor, and would gladly have joiaej in confeJeriicy with the other colonies, but uitl<;rent fentiments upon religion prevented.
Mr. Bradltrect was of Emanuel collegei Csrabridge, from whence he removed fj the lami! y of the Earl of Lincoln as his ftevvard, and afterwards he lived in the fame capacity with the Countefa of Warwick. He married one cf Mr. Dudley's daughters, and after her death a filler of Sir George Downing. He lived to be the Neftor of New-England, was born the beginuing of the century in 160;, and v-.-anted but three or four years of completing it. I I'uppcfe Sir Simon Brsdftrcct arid Dudley Dra<lftreet, of the kingdom of Ireland, are defceiided from him.
Mr. Venn, commonly called Colonel Venn, was in the defgn from the begin- ning, and intended to have removed, but never did. Upon the change of aliiiiri ill England he made a ligure there, being one of the members for the city in the long parliament, and among tlie moft aclive in the oppofuion to the court, and was one of the King's judges.
Mr. Crariuck was more forward in advancing out of his fubftance than any other. being generally the highell in all fufalcriptions. He was an eminent mercliant in London, and continued divers years to carry on a trade in the colony by his fer- vants, but he never came over. His fon or grandfon, Samuel Cradock, was a dif- fenting mlnilter at V/ickambrook in 1690. George Cradock, Efq. now in public ppfts in the colony, is defcended from him.
1 can give no account of tlie other afiiftants.
Sir William Brerefofi was one of the company, and fecms to have been preparing to con?e over, but he found employment alfo in the long parliament and in the army, and was at the head of the forces which reduced Chefter. Several others, as Mr. Blackhoufe, Mr. Whichcote, Captain Waller, Mt. Pocock, Mr.. Harwood. and other perfons of note, were of the comp«ny and great pronjoters of the plan- tation. L'mcolnlhire contributed greatly, and more of our principal families rte- rive their origin from thence than from any part of England, unlefs the city of London be an exception. The Countefs cf Warwick was a benefador. In 1634 the genera! court voted, ♦• that there fnould be letters of thankfulnefs ligned by tlie court and fent to the Countefs of Warwick, Mr. Paynter, Mr. Wood, and fthers that have been benefac\ori to this plantation." The Earl of Warwick her 1j;\ r.a~ a patron of ths colony, and '.vaj very abJe «s well «s willing to da kind
QiEces
14 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I.
never came to New-England. Even after they had em- barked, at a court on board the Arabella, Mr. Dudley was chofen deputy goX'ernor, in the room of Mr. Humphr\% v/ho (laid behind. It is not matter of wonder that they difcovered fo great want of refolution. It is ftrange, that fo many perfevered. It fliews fome little fortitude in a man in health and vigour, who goes through the fatigues of a long voyage, and fpends but a few months in a wilder- nefs, among favages, and in a climate more fevere than he had ever experienced. What muft we think then of per- fons of rank and good circumftances in life, bidding a fin- al adieu to all the conveniences and delights of England, their native country, and expofmg themfelves, their wives and children, to inevitable hardihips and fufFerings, in a long voyage acrofs the Atlantic, to land upon a moft in- hofpitable fnore, destitute of any kind of building to fe- cure them from the inclemency of the weather, and of mofl forts of food, to which they had been always ufed at their former home ^ The ficknefs and mortality which prevailed the firfl winter, they did not foreiee. It is an obfervation fmce made, that mofl parts of America have proved un- healthy (except where the country is cleared) until perfoas have had a feafoning in it.
Eleven fhips, which failed from different ports in En- gland, arrived in New-England before the end of July. Six more arrived before the end of the year. They brought above 1 500 paflengers. The Arabella, on board which VvTuS the governor and feveral of the afhftants, left Yarmouth between the 7th and loth of April. On the 7th, the gov- ernor and divers others on board figned apaper* diredcd to their brethren of the church of England, to remove fufpi- cions or mifconflruAions, and to alTi their prayers. Thi^ paper has occafioned a difpute, whether the £rft fettlers ot MafTachufetts were of the church of England, or not. However problematical it may be what they were whilo
they
offices to it as long as he lived. Some of the minifters were of families of dif- tindion. Mr. Bulkley from Bedfordlhire of an honourable family there. Sarri-ud Whiting, who was minifter of Lynn, married a daughter of Oliver St. John. She came, with him to New-England. John Shearman, minifter of Watcrtown, mar- ried a grand-daughter of Earl Riveri. Her father, Mr. Laume, was a gentleman ef 1400!. a year. She was aUv» in 1.697, »he mother of to children.
• Appendix, No I.
1630] MASSACHUSETTS. fj
they remained in England, they left no room for doubt after they arrived in America. The Arabella arrived at Salem the 12th of June.* The common people immedi- ately went afhore, and regaled themfelves with ftrawberries, which are very fine in America, and were then in perfec- tion. This might give them a favourable idea of the pro- duce of the country ; but the gentlemen met with enough to fill them with concern. The firft news they had, was of a general confpiracy, a few months before, of all the Indi- ans as far as Narraganfet, to extirpate the Englifn. Eigh- ty perfons out of about three hundred had died in tl.e col- ony the winter before, and many of thofe that remained were in a weak, lickiy condition. There was not corn e- nough to have lafted above a fortnight, and all other pro- vifions were very fcant. They were obliged to give all the fervants -f- they had fent over their liberty, that they might (hift for themfelves, although they had cofl: from fix- teen to twenty pounds ahead. They had not above three or four months to look out proper places for fettlements, and to provide flicker againlt the feverity of the winter. With this profpc(fl of ditBculties, great enough for them to encounter, ficknefs began among them. Being deftitute of neceHary accommodations, they dropped away one af- ter another. Among others, the lady Arabella, who, to ufe Mr. Hubbard's words, " came from a paradife of plen- ty and pleafure in the family of a noble Earl, into a wil- dernefs of wants ; and, although celebrated for her many virtues, yet was not able to encouater the adverfity ihe was furrounded with ; and, in about a month after her arrival, ilie ended her days at Salem, where (he firft land- ed." Mr. Johnfon, her hutband, highly efteemed for his piety and vv^ildom, overcome with grief, fnrvived her a fhort time only, and died at Bofton, the 30th September, to the great lofs of the colony. Mr. Roffiter, another of the af- fiftants, died foon after. Before December, they had loft two hundred of their number, including a few who died upon their paflage. The
• Mafconomco, the Sagamore of Cape- Ann» came on board the next mornlag iftcr the governor's arrival to bid him v^relcome. Hui.
h The whole number fent over v/as 180. This v.-as a heavjr lofs.
Vol. I, C
26 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L
The governor, and (bmeofthe principal perfons, left Sa- lem the 17th or June, and travelled through the woods to Charleftown, about twenty mileis, to look out for a conve- nient place for their chief town, which tliey had determin- ed Ihould be in fome part of the bay or harbour between Nantalket and Cambridge. At firft they pitched upon the north fide of Charles river, or rather northweft, by the major voice ; but a number of the principal gentlemen hav- ing fixed their cottages, Ihelters intended for one winter on- ly, upon the oppofite lidc of the river, tb.e s;overnor and moft of the afiiftants removed to them in November. They were however undetermined where to build in the fprino.- A fortified town, at leaft palifadoed, was thought necelia* ry to defend them againft the natives, and they could not agree upon the moft convenient place for that purpofe.
They found, when they arrived, a few -families fcattered about, in kveral parts of the bay. Samuel Maverick^ who will often appear in the courfe of this hiftory, lived upon Noddle's ifland, a grant or confirmation of which he after- wards obtained from the court. He had built a imaii fort, and had four cannon mounted there.* At a point upon Shawmut, llnce Bofcon,-!- lived William Blackftone, who had left England, being dililitisfied there, and not a thorough conformift ; but he was mOre didatisfied with the non- conformity of the new comers. He told them he came from England becaufe he did not like the Lords Bilhops ; but he could not join with them, becauie he did not like the Lords Brethren. He claimed the whole pen- in fula upon which Bofton is built, becaufe he was the firfl that ilept upon it. He l»ad a grant of a very hand(bme lot there at the wefl part of the town; but he chofe to quit all, and removed to the fouthward, at or near what is fince called Providence.!, where he lived to old age. There
were
[* He was- the fiifi perfon who introduced Nfgrces into the country. His font Samuel Maverick, was one of the commiffioners appointed by Charles II. in 1664 f) lubju^ate the Dutch, and fettle controverfies in the EngUlh colonics. J^ff(' ij7t's ■L'cyags, p. 28. 252. See Appendix^ No. 15.]
+ Said fo be called fo fronv refpeit to Mr. Cotton, minifter of Bofton in Eng- land, whom thoy expected to folicw them.
X One Mafter Blakeftone. k miniftefi went from Bofloti, having lived there 9 or 10 years, becaufe he would not join wkh the church. He lives near Mailer VVU« liams, but is fir from his opinioa. Ltchfjvd.
1630] MASSACHUSETTS. 27
were alfo feveral families at Mattapan, fince called Dorch- efter, or rather Dorchefter Neck ; here * Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Roffiter pitched with two minifters, Mr. Warham and Mr. John Maverick. On the north of Charles river (Charleftown) were the remains of thofe who had moved the laft year from Salem ; here Mr. Noweli and fome of his friends made their pitch, but confidered themfelves and Bofton at firft as but one fettlement, and one church, with Mr. Wilfon for their minifter. When he went to En2;land in the fpring, Charleftown became a diftindt church and town, and took Mr. James for their minifter. Sir Richard Saltonftall chofe a place fome miles up Charles river, which has taken the name of Watert own. His company took Mr. Phillips for their minifter. Mr. Pynchon was at the head of another company, who fettled between Dorchefter and Bofton. Their town took the name of Roxbury. They had Mr. Eliot-}- for their minifter. Medford and Miftickwere then difti net places, though not fo at prcfcnt. At Medford, :|; which I take to have been afmall village at the lower part of Miftick river, now called a neck of land, where a creek alio ran into Charles river, it was intended a fettlement fliould be made for Mr. Cradock and the peo-^ pie he was fending and bad fent over, tiere by his agents he built feveral velfcls of burden. At thefe feveral places, together with Salem, the Vy'hole company were fettled for the firft winter. They had little time enough to provide their huts. As foon as December cam.e, their out door work was over. On the 6th of December, the governor and afTiftants met, and agreed to fortify the neck between Bofton and Roxbury, and orders were given for preparing the materials ; but at another meeting on the 21ft, they laid that defign afide, and agreed on a place j| about three miles above Charleftown, ani moft of them engaged to build houfes there the next year. The weather held tolerable until the 24th of December ; but the cold then came on with violence. Sach a Chriftmas eve they had never
ieen
^ T'.izy arrived at Kantafl.et the 30th of May, from Piymoulh, in England, f He dii not come over uuiii 1631. Mi-. Weld was hi« collcairue.
I 1-Jrft caU-i N>-,vtov*nj iT;irc Cambridge.
C a,
28 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I.
feen before. From that time to the i oth of February, their chief care was to keep themfelves warm, and as comforta- ble in other refpedls as their fcant provifion would permit. The poorer fort were much expofed, lying in tents and miferable hovels, and many died of the fcurvy and other diftempers. They were To ihort of provifions, that many were obliged to live upon clams, muflels, and other Ihell fifh, with ground nuts and acorns inftcad of bread. One that came to the governors houfe, to complain of his fuffer- ings, was prevented, being informed that even there the laft batch was in the oven. Some inflances are mentioned of great calmnefs and refignation in this diftrefs. A good man, who had afked his neighbour to a diQi of clams, after dinner returned thanks to God, who had given them to fuck of the abundance of tlie feas, and of treafure hid in the lands. They had appointed the 2 2d of February for a faft i but on the 5th, to their great joy, the fl^p Lyon, Capt. Pierce, one of the laft year's fleet, returned, laden with provifions, irom England, which were diftributed ac- cording to the neceflities of the people. They turned their faft into a thankfgiving.
In the fpring of 163 1, they purfued their defign of a for- tified town at Newtown. The governor fet up the frame of a houfe, the deputy governor finilliedhis houfe, and re- moved his family. About this time, Chicketawbui, the chief of the Indians near Bofton, came to vifit the gover- nor, and made high profeffions of friendlhip. The appre- henfions of danger leflened by degrees j the defign of a for- tified town went off in the fame proportion, until it was wholly laid afide. The governor took down his frame, and carried it to Bofton. Mr. Dudley, the deputy, was offend- ed, and perfifted, for fome time, in his firft determination of refiding at Newtown, but at length removed to Roxbu •
This fcheme of a fortified town was well enough, while they were uncertain what the temper of the natives would be. Their defign was to make improvements, and to ex- tend their fettlements in the feveral parts of the countiy. Unlefs they were upon fuch terms with the Indians, that they could do this w'llIi fafety, the colony could not long
fubfift.
r63i] MASSACHUSETTS. _ 29
fubfift. If they were upon fuch terms, fortified towns were unneceiTary.*
The high price of provifions this year in England im- poverifhed the colony. Every bulhei of wheat m«al coft, including the freight, 14s. flerling ; every by(h- el of peas los, and Indian corn, imported from Virginia, fold at los.-f Some were difcouraged, and returned to England, \iz. Sir Richard Saltonftall, Thomas Sharp, &c. and never came back ; but others, in^ hopes of better times, went over to fetch their families, and returned with them ; viz. Mr. Willon, Coddington,'| &c. They went in the Lyon, which brought their fupply. In the fame fliip, Sir Chriftopher Gardner was fent home under con- finement. He was a knight of the fepulchre, but conceal- ed his true chara(5ter, and came over laft year, under prcr tence of feparating himfelf from the world, and living a life of retirement and devotion. He offered to join to leveral of the churches, but he was fufpe<fted to be an immoral man, and not received. He had a comely j'cung woman Vv'hich travelled with him. He called her his coufm. For fome jnifcarriages in Mafliichufetts, he fled to the Indians. They carried him to Plym.outh, having firft ufed him pretty roughly. From thence he was fent to Bofton. He joined afterwards with Gorges, Mafon and others in com- plaints againft the colony.
Mr. Wilfon left the church on the fouth fide of the riv- er without a minifter. At his parting he recommendecj them to the care of the governor, deputy-governor, and other godly and able chriflians, to cany on the worfliip of Cfod, on the Lord's day, by prophefying i^ntil his return.
So
• Mr. Dudley fays, they laid afidc all thought of a fort, becaufe upon any in. T'afion, when they fhould retire to it, they mull ncceffarily lofe their houfes. Let* ter to Counttfi of Lincoln. There was the fame objection to a fortified towni if the inhabitants ot other towns and villages Ihould retire to it.
+ It was the year 1635 before they knew they fliould be able to raife Englifl) grain, if we may credit Johnfon. «' This year a fmall glean of rye was brought to the court as the firft fruits of Engliih grain, at ^^hich this poor people greatly rejoiced to fee the land wftuld bear it." yahn/jn, 1633.
X The following; paragraph in a letter to Nfr. Cotton from Mr. Coddington^ London June 4, 163 1, fhews with what zeal he had emSirked in this undertaking. «» I am I thank God in bodily health, yet not enjoying that freedom of fpirit, being withheld from that place which my foul delireth and my heart earneftly worketh after ; neither I think fhall I fee it till towards the oext fpring, my witc being with child, and all her fiiends un\yiiiing Hie ihould go in th»t cqnditioo."
|(9 THE HISTOPvY OF [Chap. I.
So much of their attention was neceffary, In order to provide for their fupport, that httle bufmefswas done by the affiftants, or by the general court. The removal of the charter made many new regulations neceflary, which were fettled by degrees. The firft court of affiftants was' at Charleftown, Aug. 23d, about two months after their ar- rival. A beadle, a corporation officer, was appointed, it was then ordered that the governor and deputy for the time being, fliouldbe juftices of the peace; fourof the then affiftants were aifo appointed juflices. All juftices whatfo- ever were to have the fame power for reformation of abuf- es andpunifliing offenders, which juftice? have in England ; but no corporeal punifhment to be inflided, except by an affiftant. In high offences, the governor and affiftants fat as a court, as well as in civil matters. There was a trial by a jury this year for murder, and the perfon charged was acquitted. The firft general court was held the 19th of October, not by a reprefentative, but by every one that was free, of the corporation, in perfon. None had been admitted freemen fince they left England. The gover- nor and affiftants had a great influence over the court. It was ordered, that for the future the freemen Ihould choofe the affiftants, and the affiftants from among themfelves choofe the governor and deputy governor. The court of affiftants were to have the power of making laws, and ap- pointing officers. This was a departure from their char- ter. One hundred and nine freemen v/ere admitted at this court. Maverick, Blackftone, and many more who were not of any of the churches, were of this number. This was, all that was tranfailed, that was any thing material, the firft year. Ihe next general court was the court of election for 1631. ■ The fcale was now turned, and the freemen refolved to choofe both governor, deputy and af- fiftants, notwithftanding the former vote; and made an or- der, that, for the time to come, none fhould be admitted to the freedom of the body politic, but fuch as were church
members.* - ^,, .
Ihis
* None may now be a frccnan of that company, urlefs he be a church member anion>( them. None liav: voice in elections of governor, deputy and atilllants, Xii/v.c are to be njagiihates, oiiiccrs or jurymen, grund or petit, but I'l-eernen. The
<niiiiftcr}
S632] MASSACHUSETTS. 31
This was a mofl extraordinary order or law; and yet it continued in force until the dilTolution of the government, it beinf^ repealed in appearance only * after the refloration of King Charles the Second. Had they been deprived ot their civil privileges in England, by an a6t of parliament, unlefs ' they would join in communion with the churches there, it might very well have been the firft in the roll of grievan- ces. But fuch were the requitites to qualify for church memberihip here, that the grievance was abundantly great- er. ,
The fcarclty of the former year excited the inhabitants to make the greater improvements by tillage, as foon as the fpring advanced; and it pleafed God to give them luch favourable feafons, that they had a very plentiful harveft ; and Indian corn,-}- which could not be purchafed with mo- ney the year before, at the end of this year was made a tender in difcharge of all debts, except money or beavef had been fpecially agreed for. Cattle were extremely dear, a great part of what had been (hipped from England being dead, and a milch CO'X was valued at twenty-five to thirty pounds fterling.
The fame governor and deputy governor, and fuch of the aiFidants ot" 1630 as were living, and in the colony, were re-eledted for the year 163 1. J They continued to make the fame choice for 1632, with the addition of Mr. John Humphiy, who had been deputy governor in England, but was prevented coming the firfl year, and J^hn Winthrop, Jun. the governor's eldeft Ion, who, with his wife, mother, and fome others of the f;imily, arriv'ed in Oftober the year
before.
rriniftcrs give their votes in all eleftions of magiftrates. Now the mod of the perloiis at New- England are not admitted of their church, and therefore are not Ireemen, and when they come to be tried there, be it for life or limb, name or eltate, or whatloever, ihey mull be tried and judged too by thole of the churcl? who are in a fort their adverfaries. How equal that hath been or may be, fom? by experience do know, others may judge. Lechfutd.
*The minifter was to certify, that the candidates for freedom were of orthodox principles, and of good lives and converfations.
+ This however was mean diet and diftafteful to Europeans in general. «« The want of Englifli grain, wheat, barley and r>e, proved a fore afHiclion to forne fto. machs who could not live upon Indian bread and water, yet were they compelled to It." John/cn. 1
X HubbarJ. This year, and this onlyj the ^ITulants chofen» are not named in Ihe colony records.
32 THE HISTORY OF * [Chap. I.
before. They were frequently alarmed, this year,* by the Indians, whicli put them into confufion ; happy for them, that in this their feeble infant ftate they were only alarm- ed. A company of Eaftern Indians, called Tarrateens, a^- bout an hiindrecl in number, alfaulted the wigwams of the Sagamore of Aga\^am.-j- They came by water in thirty canoes, flew feven Indians, and wounded two Sagamores, who lived near Boflon, and carried away captives -one of their wives, with divers other Indian?. The governor like- wife received advice from the governor of Plymouth, of a broil between feme Englifh of that colony and Ibme of the Narraganfet Indians, who fet upon the Englifh houfe at Sowam ;X alfo of motions made by the Pequods, which caufcd the Dutch governor of Manhadoes to give notice to the Enghlh to be upon their guard. A fhaliop, belong- ing to Dorchefter, having been miffing all the winter, it appeared this fummer, that the crew, conlifting of five men, had been fecretly murdered by the Eaftern Indian?. However, the Sagamores near Boftbn made profeffions of friendnii[) ; and on the cthof Auguft, this year, Myantino- mo, one of the great Sachems of the Narraganfets, the moit numerous of all the Indians between Bofton and Hudr fon's river, came down to Boffcon, whether out of fear or hove they could not tell, to enter into a league of friendr flilp with the colonv. He and his followers were invited to attend the public worHiip ; but three of them withdrew in fermon time, and to fatisfy their hunger broke into an Englifh houfe to get victuals. The Sagamore, who v/as a very higli fpirited fellow, could hardly be perfuaded to or-r der them any corporeal punilhrnent ; but he was fo afliamr ed of his attendants, that he ordered them out of town, and followed them himfelf foon after,
The French alfo occafioned fome uneafy apprehenfions. They had been drm-e from Acadie by Sir Sam.uel Argall, in 1613. The people of New- Plymouth had fct up a trading houfe at Fenobfcot, about the year 1627. InteU
ligence
* There was an alarm in 163 1 at Snugus or Lyrn. lieut. WalV.cr, then upon the watch, was (hot throu>;h his clothes by two arrows, but by an immediate difr charge of a cnlverin it wa* fuppoied the Indians withdrew. 'JvhnJ^it, &c.
+ Ipfwich.
% Jn part of what is now Brjftol.
1632]
MASSACHUSETTS. 33
ligence was brought this year to Maffachufetts, that in 1630 or 1 63 1 Sir William Alexander had fold the country of Nova-Scotia to the French, and thct the fort with all the ammunition and ftores were delivered to them ; that Car- dinal Richlieu had ordered Ibme companies there, and that more were expefted the next year, with pricfts, jefuits, &c. This news alarmed the governor and council, and put them upon confultations for their defence. They de- termined to finifh a fort which was begun at Bofton, to build another at Nantafket, and to hailen the fettlement of Agawam (Ipfwich) it being one of the beft places both for pafhure and tillage, left an enemy ihould take poffcflion and prevent them. Mr. Winthrop, the governor's fon, was accordingly fent to begin a. plantation there.* It ap- pears that their apprehenfions of the French defigns to take pofTeiTion of fome part or other of the coafl were not ill found- '•cd, for they fent a (hip this year, 1632, to Penobfcot, as a prelude to what was to come after. Governor Bradford, of Plymouth, gives this account of it. " This year the houfe " at Penobfcot is robbed by tne French in this manner : •' While the mafter of the houfe, and part of the company ** with him, is come with one vefTel to the wefhward, to " fetch a fupply of goods, brought over for us, a fmall
French
* The Tarratecn or Eaftern Indians, who had a fpite a^airft the Indians of AKa\va;n, and had attacked them and drove them from their fettlement, intended mifchicf againft the Engliih alfo. as appears by the following account pieferved among the papers of Mr, Cobbett, the minifter of Agawam or Ipfwich :
«» At the firft planting: of Ipfwich, as a credible man informed me, namely. «' Quarterniafter I'eikins, the Tartatoens or Eafterly Indians had a defign to have " cut them off at the rtrft, when they had but between 20 and 30 men, old and " young, belonging to the place, and at that inftant moft of them gone info the '« bay ab^ut their occafions, not hearing of any intimations thereof. It was thus. ^' One Robin, a friendly Indian, came to this John Perkins, then a young mant " living then in a little hut upon his father's iffand on this fide of jeoflry's neck, " and told him, on fuch a Thurfday morning early there would come four In- «' dians to draw him to go down the hill to the water fide to truck with them, « whicl) if he did, he and all near him would be cut otF, for there were 40 birchen «' canoes wculd lie out of fight at the brow of the hill, full of arm'd Indians for ♦• that purpofe. Of this he forthwith acquainted Mr. John Winthrop, who then " lived there in a houfe near the water, who advifed hmi, if fuch Indians came, " to carry it ruggedly towards them and threaten to fhoot them if they would not -■' bo gone, and when their backs were turned to ftrike up a drum he h:id with " him, befides his two muflcets, and then difchage them, that fo 6 or 8 young '« men who were in the marihes hard by, a mowing, keeping their guns leady " charged by them, might take the alarm, and the Indians would perceive their «« plot was difcovcred and hafte away to fea again, which accordingly was fo acted " and took like effedi, for he told me, he prefently after difcerned 40 fuch canoes ♦> fhove ottfrom under the hill and makp 4s fall as th^y comld to i'a.."
$4: THE HISTORY OF fCiiAP. I.
" French veiTcl, having a falfe Scot aboard, goes into the " harbour, pretends they are newly come from (ea, knows " not where they are, that the vefiel is very leaky, and de- '* fires they may haul her alhore, and flop her leaks, mak- *' ing many French compliments and congees : and feeing " but three or four fimple men, .who are fervants, and by *' the Scotchman underftanding the m.after and the reft of " the company are gone from home, fall to commending *' tlie g-uns and muikcts, which lie on the racks by the wall **• fide, take them down to look on them, a&ing if they " were charged, and when poffefled of them, one prefents " a loaded piece againfl the fervants, another apiftol : they " bid them not to ftir, but deliver the goods, and m^ade *' them help in carrying them all aboard, to the value of *' four or fi\'c hundred pounds ftcriing, prime coft ; three *' hundred weight of beaver, the reft in trading goods, as " coats, rugs, blankets, &c. thenfet the fervants at liberty, *' and go away with this taunting mcflage. Tell yom- maf- *' ter, when he returns, that fome of the Ide of Rhee gen- *' tlemen have been here."
It'apf>ears that the MafllicVufctts y-eople took poiTelTioa of the country at a very critical time. Richlieu in all probability would have planted his colony nearer the fun, if he could ha'v'e found any place vacant. De Monts and company had acquired a thorough knowledge of all the coaft from Cape-Sables beyond Cape-Cod in 1604 ; indeed it does not appear that they then went round or to the bottom of Maifachufetts-Bay. Had they once gained footing there, they would have prevented the Englifli. The frenchified court of Kins; Charles the F'irft would, at the treaty of Saint Germain's, have given up ^^Y c'ami to Maflachufetts-Bay as readily as they did to Acadie ; foi; the French could make out no better title to Penobfcot and the other parts of Acadie than they could to Maffar chufetts. The little plantation at New^Plymouth would have been no greater bar to the French in one place than in the other. The Dutch the next year would have quiet- ly pofTefTed themfelves of Connedicut river, unlefs the French inftead of the Englilh had prevented them.. Whether the people of either nation ^yould have perf^ver-
ed,
1632]
MASSACHUSETTS. 35
ed, is uncertain. If they had done it, the late contell for the dominion of North-America would have been between France and Holland, and the commerce of England would have borne a very different proportion to that of the rell of Europe from what it does at prefcnt.
The new fettlers were in perils alfo from their own countrymen. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mafon, two of the co.uncil of Plymouth, who, with a view to the advancement of their fortunes had expended large fums to little pur{X)re in attempts to fettle colonics in New- England, beheld Maffachufetts with an envious eye. They intended for themfelves all that part of the colony which lies to the eaftward of Naumkeag. Gardiner and Mor- ton,* to revenge the affronts they had received, joined
with
* Morton wrote the foUowing letter to one Jeffries in New- England- •' My very good goflip, If I Ihould commend myfelf to you, you would reply with this proverb, propria laus fwdtt in Qvi: but to leave impertinent falutes ^nd really pro- «eed» you Ihall hereby underftand, that altho' when I was firft fent to England to make compisint againlt Ananias and the brethren, I efFeded the bufincfs but fuperficially {throuj;h the brevity of time) I have at this time taken deliberation and brought the matter to a better pafs, and it is brought about that the King hath taken the matter into his o .vn hands. The Mall'achufetts patent by an oi der of council was brought in view, th? privileges tliercin granted well fcanned, and at the council board, in piefence of Sir R. Saltonftall and the reft, it was deciaredt for manifold abufes therein dii'covered. to be void. The King hath re-aflumej tlie whole bufincl's into his own hands, and given order for a general governor for the whole territory to be fent over. The commifTion is palled the privy feal, I faw it, and the fame was fent to my Lord Keeper to have it pals the great feal, and I now ftay to return with the governor, by whom all complainants Ihall have relief. So that now Jonas being let alhore may fately cry, repent ye cruel fchif- matics, repent, there are >et but 40 days. If jove vouchfafe to thunder, the charter and the kingdom of the feparatifts will fail alunder. — My lord of Canter- bury with my lord privy feal, having caufed all Mr. Cradock's letters to be viewedi and his apology for the brethren particularly heard, proiefted againft him and Mr. Humfries that they were a couple of impofturous knaves, fo that for all their great friends they departed the council chamber in our view with a pair of cold Ihoulders. I have ftaid long, yet have not loft my labour. The brethren have found themfelves fruftrated and 1 Ihall fee my defire upon mine enemies. — Of thefe things I thought good by fo convenient a meflenger to give you notice left you fho'ild think I died in obfcurity, as the brethren vainly intended I ihould- As for Rate iffe he was comforted by their lordlhips, with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's ears, which fnews what opinion is held amongft tnein of king Win- throp with all his inventions and his Amfterdam and fantalhcal ordinances, his preachings, marriages and other abufive ceremonies which exemplify his detefta- tion of the church of England and contempt of his Majeft) 's authority and wholefome laws. I relt your loving friend.
May I, 1634. Thomas Morton."
Morton came to New-England again in 1 64-5, when this letter and a book he had wrote fnll of invcilives were produced againlt hiin. He was truly called the ac- cufer of the brethren. The court Hned him- icol. He was poor and unable 10 pay it. Nothing but his age faved him from the whipping polt. He went to Acamenticus and there died a jear or two after.
36 tHE HISTORY OF [Citap. I.
Vfith them in a complaint to the King in council againfb the colony. At this time they failed of fuccefs, and an order was made in council, 19th January, 1632, " declar- ** ing the fair appearances and great hopes wbich there then •' were that the country would prove beneficial to the ** kingdom, as well as profitable to the particular perions " concerned ; and that the adventurers might be afiured, ** that if things (hould be carried on as wa6 pretended *' when the patents v.ere granted and accord ifig as by the *' patent is appointed, his Majefty would not only main- *' tain the liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but " fupply any thing further which might tend to the good " government, profperity and comfort of the people "there."*
]n the year 1633, the people ftill continued the admin- iflration of government in the fame hands. Frelh fupplies of inhabitants had been brought from England from time to time in the courfe of the two former years, but there were many who were willing to fee the fuccefs of the firft adventurers before they embarked themfelves. The re* ports carried over were very encouraging, fo that this year there was a very great addition made, fhips arrivifig all fummer, in fome months twelve or fourteen in a month i an exportation fo great, and of fuch fort of perfons, that it produced the following order of the King in council, ,21ft February, 1633.
" Whereas the board is given to underfland of the fre* " quent tranfportation of great numbers of his Majefty's " fubjeds out of this kingdom to the plantation of New* ** England, among whom divers perions, known to be ill *' affeded, difccntented not oi\ly with civil but ecclefir " aftical government here, are obferved to refort thither, " whereby fuch confufion and diftraclion is already grown " there, efpecially in point of religion, as befide the ruin of ** the faid plantation cannot but highly tend to the fcan? " dal both of church and ftate here ; And whereas it was " informed in particular, that there are at this prefent *' divers (hips in the river of Thames ready to fet fail thi- " ther, freighted with pafTengers and provificns : It is
" thought
• Hubbard.
1633] MASSACHUSETTS. 37
" thought fit and ordered that ftay fhould be forthwith " made of the faid Ihips until further order from this " board. And the feveial mailers and freighters of the ** fame fhould attend the board on Wednefday next in the *' afternoon, with a lift of the palTengers and provifions in " each fliip. And that Mr. Cradock, a chief adventurer " in that plantation, now prcfent before tlie board, fliould " be required to caufe the letters patent for the faid planta- " tion to be brought to this board."*
Mr. Hubbard fays, that this order was the effed of a new complaint, preferred by Gardiner, Morton and others, of their hardllilps and fuffcrings from the feverity of the government ; and that fuch of the company as were in England were called before the committee of council, and delivered an anfwer in writing; and that upon reading thereof it pleafed God fo to work with the Lords of the council, and afterwards with the King's Majefty, that when the whole matter was reported to him by Sir Thomas Jer- mayne, one of the council, who had been prefent at the three days of hearing, and fpake much in commendation of the governor, both to the Lords and after to his Majef- ty, the King faid he would have fuch feverely puniilied as fliould abufc his governor and the plantation ; and the de- fendants were difmilTed with a favourable order for their encouragement ; being airured from Dme of the council that his Majefty did not intend to impofe the ceremonies of the church of England upon them, for that it was con- fidered it was for the fake of freedom from thofe things that people went over thither. It is certain a ftop was not put to the emigration. There came over amongft many others in this year, 1633, Mr. Haynes, of the civil order ; Mr. Cotton,-f- Mr. Hooker, and Mr. Stone, three of the moft famous men of the religious order. Mr. Cot- ton is fuppoled to have been more inftrumental in the fet- tlement of their civil as v/ell as ecclefiafticai polity, than any other perfon. The church of Bofton, by advice of
the
• Hubbard.
+ Mr. Cotton's removal was haftened b7 letters miflive v/hich were out againft him to convent him before the high commitTion court for non-conformity. His friends advifed him to keep clofe until lie had an opportunity of embarking. M/, Utur Sam, H-'hiting.
33 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I.
the governor and council, and of the elders in the colony, received him for their teacher, to which ofHce he was or- dained the lyth Oiflober. Mr. Thomas Leverett, an ancient member of. Mr. Cotton's church in England, was at the fame time ordained ruling elder. The circumflan- ces and order of proceeding in Mr, Cotton's ordination were intended as a precedent, and the congregational churches in New-England have generally conformed there- to ever fmce. Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, with their friends, fettled at Newtown (Cambridge.)*
In the year 1634^ they thought proper to give their
governor
• In the year 1635, the fmall pox made terrible havock among the Indians of Man'acliul'etts. Whether or no their food and irregular diet furnifhes greater quantities of the morbifick matter tha« in more temperate perfoiis, I leave t« phyficians. They were deftitiUe of every thing proper for comfort and relief, and died in greater proportion than is known jmonj; the Englilh. John, Saga- more of Winifimet, and James ot Lynn, with almoll all their people, died of the diftemper. All wriiers agree, that, a few years before the Englilh came to New- Flymouth, a mortal contaj;ious diftemper Iwept away great numbers of Indians, fo that fome tribes were in a manner extindl ; the Mallachufetts particularly are faid by fome to have been reduced from thirty thoufand to three hundred light- ing men. The fmall pox proving fince fo fatal to Indians, caufed fome to lup- pol'e that to have been the diftemper j but the Indians themfcives always gave a very ditFerent account, and, by their defcription, it was a peftilential pu)trid fever. In one of the voyages colleded by Purchafe, it is faid to have been the plague ; ail that iome of the Imtians which recovered Ihcwed the I'cars of the boil. An iiiftance of mortality among the Indian^ of Nantucket, in the year 1763, ftrength- enithe probability of their account of the diftemper itfelf, nnJ of the amazing cf- f Mtsof it.
In the beginning of Odiobtr, there were belonging to the ifland of Nantucket about 310 Indians of every age and fc-x, in 90 families. A {e\cr thcti began among ;hcm, and before the end of januaiy between 260 and 270 [lerfons had been fcized wiili it, of which number 6 men and i^ women only recovered, and but 15 families and about 8^ fouls remained. 15 of which had wintered in th« Itraits of Delleifle and efcaped the diftemper. A phyfician of note luppofed thii mortality to be occafioned by a dearth among the Indians the two preceding vears, 10 that they had but little corn or any other farinaceous food, and this year had been fome months without, wluch caul'ed them to fall upon their pumpkins, Iquaihes, &c. before they were ripe, and this food brouj^ht their blood into fi putrid and broken ftate. It is remarkable, that the Englilh inhabitants were free from the diftemper, and not one perfon died of it. The inf^'Cticn was fup- pofed by fome to be taken from an Iriih brigantine ; but Mr. Timothy Folger. u fenfible gentleman of the ifland, from whom I received the foregoing account, afl'ured me there was no room to fuppofe fo, or that it caaic trotn abroad.
Our anccftors fuppofed an immediate interpofition of Providence in the great mortality among the Indians, to make room for the fettlement of the Kngliih. I am not inclined to credulity ; but Ihoidd not we go into the contrary extreme if \ve were to take no notice of the extinction oi this people in all parts of the cwi- tinent ? In fome the Englilh have made ui'e of means the moft likely to have prevented it, but all to no purpofc. Notwitnltandmg their frequent luptures >vith tlie rnglilh, very feu, comparatively, have perilhed by v>-ars. They v.afte* they moulder away, and, as Cliarlevoix fays 01 the Indians of Canada, they ■ »i:fai.>j-«ar.
j634] MASSACHUSETTS. 39
p^overnor feme rcfpite, Mr. Dudley being chofen in his itc:id, and Roger Ludiow deputy governor. .
Mr. Haynes, wlio had lately come over, was chofen to the place of alTiftant. The governor and affiilants kept the povv'ers of government, both legiflative and executive, very much in their hands the three firft years. The peo- ple began to gro*v uneafy ; and the number of freemen being greatly multipHed, an alteration of the conftitution feems eg have been agreed Tipon or fallen into by a general confcnt of the towns j for at a general court for eledtions, in 1634, twenty-four of the principal inhabitants appeared as the reprefentatives of the body of freemen, and before they proceeded to the eledion of magiftrates, the people alierted their right to a greater fliare in the government than had hitherto been allowed them ; and refolved, " That none but the general court had power to make and -eftabliih laws, or to elect and appoint oiiicers, as governor, deputy governor, affiliants, treafarer, fecretary, captains, lieutenants, enfigns, or any of like moment, or to remove fuch upon tnifdemcanor, or to fet out the duties and
powers of thefe olticers That none but the general
court hath povver to raife monies and taxes, and to difpoie of lands, viz. to give and confirm proprieties." After thefe refolutions, they proceeded to the election of magif- trates. Then they further determined, " 1 hat there (hall be four general courts held yearly, to be fummoned by the governor for the time being, and not to be dilTolved with- out the confent of the major part of the court That it
ihall be lawful for the freemen of each plantation to choofc two or three before every general court, to confer of and prepare fuch bufinefs as by them Ihali be thought fit to confider of at the next court ; and that fuch perfons as fhall be hereafter fo deputed by the freemen of the feveral plantations to deal in their behalf in the affairs of the com- monwealth, Ihall have the full power and voices of all the faid freemen derived to them for the making and eftab- lilhing of laws, granting of lands, &c. and to deal in all other affairs of the .commonwealth wherein the freemen have to do, the matter of eledion of magiftrates and other officers only excepted, wherein every freeman is to give his
own
40 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L
own voice." — And, to fhow their refentment, they impofed a fine upon the court of affiftants for going contrary to an order of the general court.*
The freemen were fo increafed, that it was impra(5\:icab]e .to debate and determine matters in a body ; it was befides unfafe on account of the Indians, and prejudicial to their private affairs, to be fo long abfent from their families and bufinefs ; fo that this reprefentative body was a thing of neceflity, but no provifion had been made for it in their charter.
Thus they fettled the legiflative body ; which, except an alteration of the number of general courts, which were foon reduced to two only in a year, and other not very material circumftances, continued the lame as long as the charter lafbed. This I fuppofe was the fecond houfe of reprefentatives in any of the colonics. There was, as has been obferved, no exprefs provifion for it in the charter ; they fuppofed the natural rights of Engliflimen, referved to them, implied it. In Virginia, a houfe of burgefles met firft in May 1620. The government in every colony, like that of the colonies of old Rome, may be confidered as the effigies parva of the mother (late.
There was great dillurbance in the colony this year, occafioncd by Roger Williams, minifter of Salem. He had been three or four years at Pl}niouth, and for fome time was well efteemed, but at length advanced divers An- gular opinions in which he did not meet with a concur- rence, whereupon he defired a difmiffion to the church of Salem, which was granted him. That church had invited him upon liis firft coming to New-England, but the gov- ernor and council interpofed with their advice, and prc- %^entcd his fettlement at that time. He had rcfufed to join in communion with the church at Bofton, becaufe they would not make a public declaration of their repentance for holding communion with the church of England whilft they lived there. He was charged with divers exceptiona- , ble tenets, as *' that it is nut lawful for a godly man to have communion in family prayer or in an oath with (iich as they judge unregenerate, and therefore he refufed the
oath
* MaflT. Records.
1634] MASSACHUSETTS. 41
oath of fidelity, and taught ot'hers fo to do — that it is not lawful for an linregenerate man to pray — that the magll- trate has nothing to do in matters of the lirft table." Ano- ther tenet is added, which ought not to have been ranked with the former, viz. " that to puTjilh a man for any mat- ters of his confcience, is pcrfecution."* The magiflrates fent a fecond time to the church of Salem, to defire them to forbear calling him to office ; but they refufed to hearken to their advice, and proceeded to ordain him, Mr. Skelton, their former miniiter, dying a little before. Mr. Williams caufed the church of Salem to fend their letters of admoni- tion to the church at Bofton and to feverai other churches, accufing the magiftrates which were members of them of divers heinous offences, and admitting no church to be pure but the church of Salem ; but at length, becaufe the mem- bers of that church would not feparate not only from all the churches in 01d-Ens;land, but from all in New-Enc^;- land alfo, he feparated from them , and to make complere work of it he (cparatcd from his own wife, and would nei- ther aik a blefling nor give thanks at his meals if his wife was prefent, becaufe (he attended the public wo^rihip in the church of Salens. -f But what gave juft occafion to the civil power to interpofe, was his influencing Mr* Endicot, one of the magiftrates and a member of iiis church, to cue the crofs out of the King's colours, as being a relique of antichriftian fuperilition/j; A writer of the hiilory of thoie times queftions, whether his zeal would have carried him fo far as to re/ufe to receive the King's coin becaufe of the crofs upon it. ' Endeavours were ufed to reclaim him, but to no purpofe j and at length he was banilhed the jurifdic* tion. He removed to the fouthward to look out for a new fettlement among the Indians, and fixed upon a place called by them Mofhawiack, but by him Providence, jj
After
* Hubbard.
+ Hubbard.
t Many of the militia refiiTed to train with the mangled, defaced colours. Tliis fcruple afterwards prevailed, and the crols was left out of the caiouis, and generally condemned as unlawful.
II The inhabitants have a veneration for a f[>ring which runs from the hill into tlie river above the great bridge. The fight of this fpiing caufed him to fisp It* canoe and land there.
Vol. 1. D
42 . THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I.
After all that has been fald of the adions or tenets of this perfon while he was in Maffachufetts, it ought forever to be remembered, to his honour, that for forty years after, inftead of (hewing any revengeful refentment againft the colony from which he had been banilhcd, he feems to have been continually employed in afts of kindnefs and benevo- lence, giving them notice from time to time not only of every motion of the Indians, over whom he had very great influence, but alfo of the unjuft defigns of the EngliOi within the new colony, of which he himfelf had been the founder and governor, and continued the patron.*
Mr.
* Mr. Calender, in his century fcrmon at Rbode-Ifiand, queftions Mr. Wil- liams's ever profefTing himfelf a bdptift ; but Mr. Hubbard fays, he was rebap- tized at Providence by one Holman, and that Mr. Williams in return baptized him and ten more, but afterwards renounced this baptifm, not being able to de- rive the authority of it from the apoftles, but through the minifters of the church of England, whom he judged to be antichriftian. He refufed communion with all chrirtians of every profeffioo, and conceived that God would raii'e up new apoftles, and expected to be one himfelf ; but afterwards changed from thefe principles, and would preach and pray with all that would hear hira, without any diftindion. In the year 1677 he publilhed a defence ot fome fundamental doc- trines of chriftianity, againll the quakers. In 1643 he went to England, and by the intereft ot Sir Henry Vane obtained from the Earl of Warwick a charter of incorporation of Providence plantation, in Narraganfet bay. He feems to have been well refpefted in England. He brought a letter to the governor of Mafia- rthufetts-Bay, of which the following is a copy.
1*0 the right worfliipful the governor and afliftants and the reft of our worthy friends in the plantation of Mallachufetts-Bay.
Our much honoured friends. Taking notice fome of us of long time of Mr. Roger Williams, his good affec- tions and confcience, and of his fuH'erings by our common enemy and opprellbrs of God's people the prelates, as alfo of his great induftry and travels, in his printed Indian labours in your parts (the like whereof we have not feen extant from any part of America) and in which refped it hath pleafed both houfes of parliament to grant unto him and friends with him a free and abfolute charter of civil government for thole parts of his abode, and withal forrowfully relenting* that amongft good men (our friends) driven to the ends of the world, exercLi'ed with the trials of a wildernefs, artd who mutually give good teftimony each of the other (as we obferve you do of him, and he abundantly of you) there ffiould be fuch a diltance : We thought it fit, upon divers confiderations, to profefs our great defires of both your utmoft endeavours of nearer doling, and of ready ex- preffing thofe good afredions (which we perceive you bear each to other) in the adtual performance of all friendly offices : the rather becaufe of thofe bad neigh- bours yeu are likely to find too near you in Virginia, and the unfriendly viiits from the Weft of England and from Ireland. That howfoever it may pleafe the Mod High to fliake our foundations, yet the report of your peaceable and prof- perous plantations may be fome refreihings to Ypur true and faithful friends,
Cor. Holland Oliver St. John Northumberland
John Blackiftow Gilbert Pickering P. Wharton
Ifaac Pennington Robert Harley Tho. Barrington
Miles Gorbett j"hn Gurdon William Malham
This Ifttter produced a pr&feflion of readinefs to all offices of chriftian love and' jnutudl cojTsfpondence ; but unlefs he could be brought to lay down his danger- ous
1634] MASSACHUSETTS. 43
Mr. Endlcot was fentenccd by the court, " for his rafli- ** nefs, uncharitablenefs, indifcretion, and exceeding the •* limits of his commiffion, to be fadly admonidied, and " alfo difabled for bearing any office in the commonwealth " for the fpace of a year next enfuing." He protefted againft the proceeding of the court, and an order paffed for his commitment, but upon his fubmiflion he was dif- miffed.
Mr. Winthrop's conduct had been fuch from his firft affociating with the company in England until his being dropped this year from his place of governor, that, unlefs the oflracifm of the ancient Greeks had been revived in this new com.monwealth, it was reafonable to expedt that he iliould be out of all danger of fo much as the leaft thought to his prejudice ; and yet he had a little tafte of what, in many other popular governments, their greateft benefadtors have taken a large potion. After he was out of the chair, he was queflioned, in fuch a manner as ap- pears to have been difagreeable to him, concerning his. receipts and difburfements for the public during his admin- jftration. Having difcharged himfelf with great honour, he concludes his declaration and account in thefe words :*
" In all thefe things which I offer, I refer myfelf to the ** wifdom and juflice of the court, with this proteftation, *' that it repenteth me not of my cod or labour beftowed *' in the fervice of this commonwealth, but do heartily blefs " the Lord our God that he hath pleafed to honour me *' fo far as 10 call for any thing he hath beftowed upon *' me for the fervice of his church and people here, the *' profperity whereof and his gracious acceptance fliall be ** an abundant recompence to me.
*' J conclude with this one requeft (which in juftice " may not be denied me) that as it ftands upon record,
*' that
ons principles of reparation, they faw no reafon why to concede to him, or anjr lb perfuaded, free liberty of ingrefs and egrels, left the people ihould be drawn av/ay with fuch erroneous opinions. He died in 1682, forty-eight yeais after his baniftiment.
•He might have torn his boolts of accounts, as Scipio Africanus did, and given the ungrateful populace this ani'ver t A colony, now in a fiourifhing eftate. has been led out and fettled under my diredtion. My ow» fubftance is confumed. Spend no morr tin^s in harangues, iaut give thanks to God.
4^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap t
** fhat upon the difcharge of my ofnce I was called to ac- *' count, fo this m}'' declaration may be recorded alio, left " hereafter, when I fliall be forgotten, fome blcmifh may *' lie upon my pofterlty, when there Ihall be nothing to " clear it. John Winthrop.
" Sept. 4, 1634."* In the year 1635 -f there was a great addition made to the numbefs of inhabitants : among others, Mr. Vane, afterwards Sir Henry Vane, was admitted to the freedom of the colony on the 3d of March j and at the fame time Mr. Harlakenden, a gentleman of good family and eftate. There were many others ; as Mr. Bellingharn, Mr. Dum- mer, of the magiftrates; Mr. R. Mather, Mr. Norton, Mr. Shepard, and Mr. Peters, of the minifters, who came over in this and the laft year, determined to take up their abode ; and many other perfons of figure and diftindiion were expeded to come over, fome of which are faid to have been prevented by exprefs order of the King, as Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, Sir Arthur Haflerigg, Oliver Cromwell, &c. I know this is cjueftioned by fome authors ; but it appears plainly, by a letter from Lord Say and Seal to Mr. Vane, and a letter ;|; from Mr. Cotton to the fame noble- man as I take it, though his name is not mentioned, and an anfwer X to certain demands made by him, that his Lordlhip himfelf, and Lord Brooke and others, were not without thoughts of removing to New-England, and that feveral other perfons of quality were in treaty about their removal alio, but undetermined whether to join the Maf- fachufetts or to fettle a new colony. By the charter, the number of afTiltants might be eighteen ; but hitherto they
had
• Mr. Winthrop about this time received a letter from the Earl of Warwick, congratulating the fuccefs of the plantation, and ofiering his afliftance in their proceedings. Hubbard.
+ Mr. Maverick, the minifter of Dorchefter, died the 3d of February, i6j5» aged about 60. HulTbjrd.
In the fpring of 1634 they fiifl turned their thoughts to fortifying the harbour of Bofton. Mr. Winihiop the governor and 8 or 10 of the principal men went down to what is now called caftle ifland in a boat, the day being warm and pleaf- 4nt, the wintej- as they fuppofed breaking up ; but they were furprifed by a northvvefter, and the cold fo great as to freeze all up, fo as that for a day and a night they could not get ott' the ifland, and were forced to lodge upon the ground and in heaps to prevent freezing. Jihnfon.
X AppendiX) No, X and 3.
J635] P4ASSACHUSETTS. 45
had chofeii a lels number, from 6 to 9 ; which left room, as any gentleman of diflindion came over, to admit him to a Ihare in the government, without leaving out any of the former alTiftants.
It appears by the demands juft mentioned, that fome of the nobility and principal commoners of that day had what appears at this day to be very ftrange apprehenf.ons of the relation they Jhould Jland in to Great-Britain^ after their removal to America. Many of the propofals were fucli as imply, that they thought themfelves at full liberty, without any charter from the crown,, to efabliJJi fuck [ort of government as they thought -pro-per^ and to form a new flat-e as fully to alt intents and purpofes as if they had been in a ftate of nature and tvere making their firfl entrance into civil fociety. The im- portance ot the colonies to the nation was not fully under- flood and confidered. Perhaps the party which then pre- vailed in England would have been content to have been rid oEthe heads of what was deemed a faction in the gov- ernment, and to have had no further connexion with them. 3e that as it may, this fentimeat in perfons of fuch figure and diftin(5lion will in a great meafure excufe the fame mijlake, which zvill appear to have been made by our firft fet- llerSy in many inftances in the courje of our hi/Jorv. The an- i wer made to the dem.ands feems not to have been fatisfac- tory ; for thefe Lords and gentlemen foon after again turn- ed their thoughts to Connefticut, where they were expefted to arrive every year, until after 1640.
Mr. Haynes was chofen governor for this year, and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor; Mr. Pummer and Mr. Haugh were added to the afllilants,* The inhabitants of the plantation, being fo much increafed, found it difficult to pitch upon convenient places for fettlements. Mr. Hooker and Mr. Cotton were defervedly in high efteem j feme of the principal perfons were ftrongly attached to the one of them, and fome to the other. The great influence which Mr. Cotton had in the colony inclined Mr. Hooker and his friends to remove to fome place more remote from
Boflon
* Mr. Ludlow, aiming at the governor's place the year before and being difap- pointedi had piotelled againft the choice; which To offended the freemen, that. This year they lel'c him out ef the niagiltracy. He removed foon after to Cpr."
nedicut.
46 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L
Bofton than Newtown. Befides, they alleged as a reafon for their removal, that they were ftraitened for room j and thereupon viewed divers places en the feacoaft, but were not fatisfied with them. Three or four perfons had fome time before * travelled weflward into the country an hun ■ dred miles upon difcovery, until they flruck a great river, which afterwards they found to be Connecticut or the frefh river, where there were many fpots of interval land, and land in other refpeds to be defired for fettlement. The Dutch at Manhadoes had fome knowledge of this place, and had given intimations of it to the people of New- Plymouth, with whom they had commerce ; but Plymouth government kept their intelligence fecret.'^- A letter from Mr. Window of New-Plymouth, Sept. 26, 1633, men- tions their haying been up the river. They forbad the Dutch making any fettlements there, and fet up a trading houfe themfelves.| The governor of Maffachufetts alfo this year, 1635, fent a bark round the cape to the Dutch governor, to acquaint him that the King had granted the river and country of Connecticut to his own fubjeds, and defired him to forbear building any where thereabouts. This river Mr. Hooker and his friends pitched upon, as the moft likely place to accommodate them. The latter t*nd of the laft year, 1634, they intended to remove, and applied to the court for leave. || Of 21 members of the lower houfe, 1 5 were for their removal ; but of the magif- trates, the governor and two afliftants only were for it ; the deputy governor (Mr. Winthrop) and th^ reft of the affift- aats, againft it ; but ftiil, as the lower houfe was fo much more numerous than the upper, the major part of the whole court was for it. This divifion was the occafion of firft itarting the queftion about the negative voice. The
deputies
* In the year 1633. Thefewere John Oldham before mentioned, Samuel Hall and others. hlubb.
f The commiffioners of the united colonies, in a declaration againft the Dutch in 1653, fay, ihat •• Mr. Winflow, one of the commiffioners for Plymouth, dil- «» covered ilie Ireth river when the Dutch had neither trading houfe nor any pre- «« tence to a ibot of land theie."
% Hubbard.
\ It was the general fenfe of the inhabitants, that they were all mutually bound to one another by the oath of a freeman as well as the original compaft> fo as not to be at libcity to feparatc without the confent of the whole.
1635] MASSACHUSETTS. 47
deputies or reprelentatives inufle'd, that the voice of a major part of the adiftants was not neceflary : the aflift- ants refufed to give up their right, and the bufinefs was at a ftand. The whole court agreed to keep a day of humili- ation and prayer, to feek the divine direction in all the congregations in the colony, and to meet again the next week after. At the opening of the court, Mr. Cotton preached from Hag. ii'. 4. " Yet now be ftrong O Zerub- babel faith the Lord, and be ftrong O Jofliua the fon of Jofedech the high prieft, and be ftrong all ye people of the land, faith the Lord, and work, for I am with you, faith the Lord of hofts." His fermon was as pertinent to the occafion as his text, and prevailed upon the deputies to give up the point at that time.* Here was a criiis when the patriciayis, if I may fo ftyle them, were in danger of loling great part of their weight in the government. It may feem a matter of lefs confequcnce than it would have been if the oifice of affiftant had by charter been heredi- tary, or even for life j but the affiftants, aided by the el- ders, who had great influence with the people, were in a good meafure fecure of their places. It was by the fame aid that they now carried the point againft the plebeiaiu. There was no occafion for prodigies, or other arts of the priefts of old Rome. A judicious difcourfe from a w-ell chofen text was more rational, and had a more lafting effed.
There were feme circumftances very difcouraging, par- ticularly the neighbourhood of the Dutch on the one fide, and fomiC intelligence received of the defigns of the Pequod-f- Indians on the other, and of their having killed Capt. Stone and his company as he was going up the river ; but .they could not be fatisfied until they had accompliflied their intentions, and obtained the leave of the court.
They met with a new company which arrived this year, who purchafed tlieir eftates and fettled at Newtown in
their
» Hubbard.
+ I fuppofe the chief country of the Pequods to be at or near the mouth of the river at Stonington, towards New-London, which is fituated at the mouth of what was properly Pequod river. The chief Sachem was called Tatobam, a very ftout fellovi'. Tatobam hated the Englilh, and was ever moving the other In- dians to join with him againA them. lyirf. an/. t9 Garfin.
48 THE HISTCRY OF [Chap. I.
their ftead, with Mr. Shepard for their minifter. They did not take their departure until June the next year ; and then about an hundred perfons in the firfl: company, fome of whom had Hvcd in fplendour and dchcacy in Eng- land, fet out on foot to travel an hundred and twenty or thirty miles with their wives and children, near a fort- night's'journey, having no pillows but Jacob's, and no canopy but the heavens — a wildernefs to go through, with- out the leaf!: cultivation — in mofl places no path, nor any marks to guide them, depending upon the compafs to fleer by J many hideous fwamps and very high mountains, bc- fides five or fix rivers, or different parts of the fame wind- ing river (the Chickapi) not every where fordable, which they could not avoid. The greatefl part of the lands they were going to were evidently without the jurifdidion cf ^v'lalfachuletts ; neverthelefs, they took a commifTion from the authority of that colony to govern in Connecticut, There are other inftances which fhew that they fuppofed tliey retained fome authority over their inhabitants, even v;hf n out of the limits of the colony,*
The Plymouth people, notwithflanding the French piracy in 1632, kept pofTeffion of their houfe it Penobfcot, and carried on trade with the Indians; but in 1635, P^oflillon, commander of a French fort at La Have upon the Nova-Scotia fhore, fent a French man of w^ar to Pe- nobfcot, which took pofTefTion of the trading houfe and all the goods. The French gave their bills for the goods, and lent away all the men. The commander wrote to the gov- ernor of Plymouth, that he had orders to difplace all the Englifii as far as Pemaquid, but to thofe weflward he
would
■* They were reduced to ceat extremity the fiifl Avinter, their provifions being detdineri at the river's mouih by the feverity of the weather, the ftream being lro7.en ail tlie way. Some fcattered down towards the jnouth of the river; ethers veiiluied through the woods back lo the bay. one or two of whom pcrilhed, A few only remained to look after the cattle, many of which were loft. Huhhatd.
Several authors, and Douglafs among tlie relt, fuppole this fettiement to have been began by tl' . more rigid brethren, who feparated from the reft. I quef- tio'i whether they iiad any giounds for their fuppofition. The peculiar tenets oi Mr. Vane and Mrs. Hutchinfon did not prevail until 1636. Mr. Hooker oppof- ed them. '« A copy of Mr. Vane's exprefhons at Roxbury I defire to fee and jcceive by the next melTeng-er. I have licard my brother Eliot is come about ta. this opinion ; I have writ to him about it- I would fain come to a bandy where I might be a little ruds in the budi^efs, for I do as verily believe it to be faUt as .} do bJicve any Articis; of m> faiih to be true." Hooker le S^c-^atii.
1635] MASSACHUSETTS. 49
would fhew all coiirtefy. The Plymouth governmenl., who iuppofed they had good right to the place, were not willing to put up the injury quietly, and hired a large fhip of Tome force, the Hope of Ipfwich in England, Gir- ling commaader, to difplace the French. Girling was to have two hundred pounds if he eifcc'ted it, A bark with 20 men was fent with him as a tender. But the French, having notice of the defign, fortified the place ; and Gir- ling, having near fpent his ammunition, lent the bark to MafTachufetts for aid. Two perfons came from Plymouth alfo to treat about it, and the court agreed to affift their neighbours by a fubfcription among themfelves j but pro- vifion was fo fcarce, that there could not fufficient be had fuddealy to fit out an expedition of an hundred men only ; lb the matter was deferred to a further time, and Girling returned, leaving the French in poflefTiOn, which they con- tinued until 1654,
The fituation the colony was in at this time rauft have given them a threatening profpeft. The French on their borders on one fide, the Dutch on the other, the Indians in thcmidfl reftrained only by want of union among themfelves from breaking up all fettlements, they being utterly defcncelefs.
This year Mr. Winthrop, jun. returned from England, whither he had gone the year before, and brought a com- milllon * from the Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brook and ethers to be their governor of their plantation at Con- nedicut. A fort was built at the mouth of the river, known by the name of Saybrook fort. He brought alfo a number of men, with arms, ammunition and ftores, and two thoufand pounds in m.oney, to bring forward a fettle- ment. This commiflion interfered with the intended fettle- ments by MalFachufetts ; notwithftanding that, as a num- Jbor of the inhabitants of Watertown had pofleffed them- felves of a fine piece of meadow at Weathersficld, below Haitford, where Mr. Hooker and his company fettled, the agents for the Lords, being v/ell difpofed to promote the
general
• Hoiv art tve account for it that they Jhovld imagine they bad a right to fettle vilonlis and ejlablifi 'what frm of gcveynme/it they flcjiftdf Ten jeais after it riiight well enougli be fuppatcd, but tiii;i was fcveral years before the confufious in England began. /
50 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. T.
general good, permitted thefe fettlers quietly to enjoy their pofieffions. The fort re fs below ftruck terror into the In- dians, and quieted the minds of the Englifli. Plymouth was diflatisfied with being thus fupplanted by Maflachu- fetts (the Dorchefter men, as I fuppofe, having pitched upon the fpot where Plymouth had built a trading houfe, and, as they alleged, had purchafed the lands of the Indians) and derrianded an hundred pounds or part of the land. There was great danger of a warm contention between the two colonies ; but at lengtii the Dorchefter men made fuch offers of fatisfadion, that Plymouth accepted them. The Dutch alfo fent home to Holland for inftrudions, intend- ing to maintain their claim to the river or the place where they had poffefiion ; but upon a treaty afterwards with the commiffioners of the united colonies, they quitted all claim to all parts of the river, refigning it up to the Englilh.*
Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mafon having been at more expenfe and taken more pains than any other mem- bers of the grand council of Plymouth, and perceiving no profpeft of any equivalent return, and fearing from the great clamour in the nation againft monopolies that they Ihould ere long be forced to refign up their grand charter, they entered this year upon a new projed , viz. to procure a general governor for the whole country of Nev/-England to be forthwith fent over ; and becaufe the Maffachufetts charter flood in their way, they endeavoured a revocation of it, that fo the whole from St. Croix to Maryland might be brought under the fame form, of government. The fettlement of the Dutch at Manhadoes, which lay within thofe limits, both then and at all other times was confider- ed by the Englilh court as an intrufion, as ijideed it was.-|-
In
• Hubbard.
+ In 1609, Henry Hudfon, an Englifbman, from fome mifunderftanding be- tween the Eaft-India company and him, engaged in the Dutch fervice. On his return from the ftreights and bay which bear his name, he made the firft dilcov- ery of Hudfon's river, and went up as far as Aurania (Albany) or near to it. The Dutch a few years after built a fmall houfe or fort there, for the fake of trade, pretending no title to the country. it has been obferved, that the Englilb, who «ame to New-Plymouth, intended in 1620 to have fettled there. Negleded by the Englilh court, the Dutch began a fettlement foon after. It has been fome- tiwes urged that the line of the Maffachufetts charter, which extends to the South- Sea, or until it meets the fettlemeiits of fome other chriftian prince or (late, v/as fo expreii'cd from in particular regard to this Dutch fettlementj and that a line to
extend
1635] MASSACHUSETTS. 51
In June letters were received from Lord Say, advilTng that petitions had been preferred to the King and to the Lords of the council, by the Duke of Lenox, Marquis of Hamil- ton, and divers other noblemen, together with Sir Ferdi- nando Gorges and Capt. Mafon, but conceived to be the projed of Sir. F. Gorges only. That to the Lords was as follows, viz.
" May it pleafe your Lordmips, " Whereas it pleafed your Lordlhips to give orders to *' Sir Ferdinando Gorges to confer with fuch as were chief- *' ly interefted in the plantation of NewrEngland, to re- " folve whether they would relign wholly to his Majefty *' the patent of New-England, and to leave to his Majeftv "** and his council the fole management of the public af- ** fairs, with refervation of every man's right formerly grant- " ed ; or whether they would Hand to the faid patent, and *' profecute the bufinefs among themfelves, and have the ** faid patent renewed, with the reformation or addition of *' fuch things as fliould be found expedient : we whofe *' names are here underwritten, being interefted in that bu- *' finefs, do humbly fubmit to his Majefty's pleafure to do *' therewith as he pleafeth. But withal we humbly defire, •* that upon our refignation of our faid patent, his Majefty •* being to difpofe of the whole country feverally and im- *' mediately from himfelf, thofe divifions upon the feacoafl: *' that are hereunder defigned may be inftantly confirmed '* and beflowed by new grants from his Majefty unto us, *' to be holden of his Majefty, paying the fifth part, &c. *' and with the privilege of the laid patent, and fuch fur- " ther royalties as the Lord of Baltimore hath in his patent ** for the country of Maryland 5 faying only that v/e fhould *' fubmit ourfelves to the general governor now prefently *' to be eftabliihed by his Majefty for the whole country,
"and
♦xtend to the Spanifli fettlements, was too extravagant to have been intended J but the Dutch were never allowed by the Englilh to have any title to the countryt and at the time of granting the charter, there were only a lew ftragglers there- Cromwell and the Parliament before him confidered thein as intruders, and blamed the Englilh colonies that tliey had not extirpated them. The geography of this part of America v/as lefj underftood than it is at prefent. A line to the Spanilh fettlements was imagined to be much (horter than it really was. Some of Champlain's people, in the beginning of the laft century, who had been but a few days on a march from Quebec, returned with great joy, fuppofing, tha ifoo} the top of a high maunuiuj they had diicover«a the South Sea.
52 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L
** and after his deceafe, or other determmation of his ofRce, *' that then from the Lords of his province there may be an *' eledion of three by lot, which faid three perfons Co elecl- *' ed (hall be prefented to the King, that out of the num- *' ber one may be chofen by his Majefliy to fucceed in the *' place of the general governor, who Ihall in perfon or by *' his fufficient deputy refide in the country during the *' fpace of three years only, and fo from three years to three *' years another governor to be chofen fucceffively, and the " old governor to be left out of the lot of choice."
The propofed divi lions of the twelve provinces were as follows : the firft was from St. Croix to Pcm.aquid ; the fecond from Pemaquid to Sagadehoc ; the third contained t-he land between the rivers Amarafcoggin and Kennebeck ; the fourth along the feacoafb from Sagadehoc to Pifcata- qua ; the fifth from Pifcataqua to Naumkeag j the fixth from Naumkeag round the feacoail by Cape-Cod to Nar^ raganfet ; the feventh from Narraganfet to the half-way bound betwixt that and Connecticut river, and (o fifty miles up into the country ; the eighth from the half-way bound to Connecticut river, and fo fifty miles into the country ; the ninth from Connecflicut river along the fea- coafl to Hudfon's river, and fo up thirty miles ', the tenth from the tliirty miles end to crofs up forty miles eaflward ; the eleventh from the weft fide of Hudfon's river thirty miles up the- country towards the 40th degree, where Ncw-Erig'^ land beginneth ; the twelfth from the end of the thirty miles up the faid river, northward thirty mil'es further, and from thence to crofs into the land forty miles, And out of every one of thefe provinces was 5000 acres to be grant- ed to certain perfons there named, in lieu of fome former grants made to each of them in thofe divifions which they vvere now to furrender, and to hold to each man his 500^ acres in fee of the Lord of the province. And the Lord of every one of thofe twelve provinces was to fend the fame year ten men with the general governor, vv'ell provided. To all which was added,
*' It is humbly defired that your Lordfiiips v/ould be pleafed to order thefe things following :
*' I. That the patent foi" the plantation of JvIafTachufetts-
Bav
t6s5] MASSACHUSETTS. 53
Bay may be revoked -, and that all thofe who have any o- ther grants within any of thefe provinces, whether they have planted or not upon any part of the fame, yet they Ihali enjoy their lands, laying down their jura regalia, if they had any, and paying fome reaibnable acknowledgment as freeholders to the Lord of the province, of whom they are now to take new grants of their faid lands ; and in cafe a- ny of their lands ihali be found having exorbitant bounds to have been unlawfully obtained, they fhall be reduced to a lefler proportion, as may be fit fbr the grantor, who is un- dertaker under the diredlion of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. And if the grantee (hall be any ways refra-ftory, and refulc to furrendcr and hold anew of the faid Lord of the pro- vince, that then your Lordfhips will take order, by fuch eomfe as law will permit, to make void the fame.
*' 2. That every river which parts two provinces fhall e- qually belong half way over to the provinces they He con- tiguous unto. .
*' 3. That the iflands upon the feacoaft or within the river of any province, being not here named, Ihall belong to the province they lye nearcit unto.
" 4. That there is offered to your Lordfnips confidera- tion the building of a city fbr the feat of the governor, un- to which city forty thoufand acres of land maybe allotted, befides the divifions above m-cntioned. And that every one who is to have any of theie provinces fliall be at the charge of fending over with the governor ten men towards the building the laid city, wherein every fuch adventurer fhall not only have his fhare of the trade and buildings, but alfb lliall have all other fruit of the ten men's labour fent as aforefaid.
" Moreover there is humbly dedicated to the foundation of a church in the faid city, and maintenance of clergymen to ferve in the faid church, 10,000 acres of land near ad- joining to the faid city."
The petition to the King was of this form. " May it pleafe your Majefly,
" It is humbly defired by the Duke of Lenox, &c. an- " cient patentees and adventurers in the plantation of New- " Englai;Ki, tihat foraiinuch as they are now prefently to join
*'in
54 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I.
" in the furreiider to your Majefly of the grand patent of " their corporation, that your royal Majefty will be gra- *' cioufiy indined to give order to your attorney general to *' draw feveral patents of fuch parcels of land as by their ** mutual confent have been allotted to them, and to have *' the fame patents prepared fit for your royal fignature, with " fuch titles, privileges and immunities as have been here- " tofore granted either to them or to any other by your " Majefty or by your late royal father King James of " blefled memor}% with refervations of appeal to the gov- ** ernor or lieutenant of the territories in cafes reafonable ; " that they, knowing their own intereft, may be the better *' able to plant and govern them to your Majefty's honour, " their particular profit, and their people's civil government " and faithful obedience to the laws of your facred Ma- *'jefty."*
April 6, 1635.
A copy of fome grant or agreeiBent concerning one of the provinces to Capt. Mafon was lent over, figned Lenox, Hamilton, Arundel and Surry, Carlifie, Stirling, Edward Gorges, Ferd. Gorges. Attefted by Thomas Maydvveil, Not. Pub. It has been faid that the PJarquis of Hamilton and the Earl of Stirling both obtained the like inftruments, and it is poffible all the others might alfo. It is not ma- terial at this day whether they did or not. It is certain that above an hundred years are paft, and no pofleiT.on taken, or improvements made by them or their affigns in confe- quence thereof j and all the territory is either included in other grants, fome made before this furrender by the coun- cil itfelf, and fome made fince by the crown ; or has been purchafed of the natives ; which, if done I^omi fide, fo far as rcfpfits the property, has been thought by fome to be . the beft title.f
in the year 1636, Mr. Vane was chofen governor, Mr^
Winthrop
* Gorges — Hubbard.
•\ Mention is made by Hubbard of a ftorm, Aug. 15, 1635, which, by his def- cription, was more violent than any that has e\er happened fince. Many houfes were blown down, and many more uncovered ; the Indian corn every whsre beat down to the ground, lb as not to rile again : the tide rofe twenty feet perpendic- ular. At Narraganfet, tlie Indians were obli^^ed to betake themlelves to the trees; and yet many of them were drowned, the tide of flood xtlurning before the ufual time iox it.
1636] MASSACHUSETTS. 55
Wintbrop deputy governor ; and Mr. Hadakenden, who came in the fame ihip with Mr. Vane, was added to the affiftants. The people of the colony very early dif- covered that they were not without difpofition to novelty and change. It was not merely out of policy to encourage others that they took early notice of fuch as came over from year to year. Befides this motive, they were .eafiiy captivated with the appearance only of wifdom and piety, prof:,^fiions of a regard to liberty and of a ftrong attach- ment to the public intercfl. Mr. Haynes, who feemed to ftand mofh in the way of Mr. Winthrop, had left the colon)^ and was fettled at Connedicut ; and Pvlr. Win- throp v/ould have had a good profpeft of recovering his former fliare of the people's favour, if Mr. Vane's grave, folemn deportment, although he was not then above 24 or 25 years of age, had not engaged almoft the whole colony in his favour. There was a great friend fhip between Mr. Cotton and him, which feems to have continued to the laft.* He had great refpeft (hewn him at firfl:. He took more date upon him than any governor had ever done be- fore. When he went either to the court or to church, four ferjeants walked before him with their halberds. His ad- miniftration for feveral months met with great applaufe. Towards the end of the year the people grew difcontented. He perceived it, and grew weary of the government. Re- ceiving letters from London in December 'jrging his return home, he firft communicated them to the council, and then called the general court together to afk their confent to his quitting the adminiftration. He declared to them' the neceffity of his departure ; and fuch of the council as had feen the letters affirmed that the reafons were very ur- gent, but not fit to be imparted to the whole court. Tke court took time until the morning to confider ; when one of the affiftants, lamenting the lofs of fuch a governor in a time of fuch danger both from French and Indians, the governor burft into tears, and profeffi^d, that howfoever the caufes propounded for his departure did concern the utter ruin of his outward eftate, yet he would rather have haz- arded
* A fmall houfe which he lived in at the fide of the hill above Quecn-ftieet, he gave to Mr. Cbttort, who m%(k an additron to ic after Mv Vane went away» and lived and died there.
5(J ' THE HISTORY OF [Chap. 1
■ arded all than have gone from them at fuch a time, if feme* thing elie had not prdled him more, viz. the inevitable danger of God's judgments which he feared were coming upon them for the differences and difTentions which he faw amongft them, and the fcandaloas im.putation brought upon himfelf, as if he fhould be the caufe of all, and there- fore he thought it was belt for him to give p>lace for a time. The court did not think, fit to confent to his going for fuch reafons. He found he had gone too far, and recalled him- felf, profeffing that the reafons which concerned his own eftate were fufficient to fatisfy him, and therefore defired he might have leave ; the other paffage flipped from him out of paffion, not judgment. Whereupon the court agreed that it was neceflary to give way to his departure, and or- dered another meeting of the general court to make choice ci a governor and deputy governor ;"* and as it was in the midft of winter (15 December) the freemen had liberty to fend their votes in writing, if they did not com.e in perfon. Some of the church of Bofton, loth to part with the gov- ernor, met together, and agreed that it was not neceliary for the reafons alleged that the governor rhoukl depart, aiid fent fome of their number to fignify as much to the court. The governor pretended to be overpowered, and expreflcd himfelf to be fuch an obedient fon of the church, that not- v'ithftanding the licenfe of the court, yet without the con- fent of the church he durft not go away. -A great part of the people who were informed of this tranfadlion declared their purpofe ftill to continue him ; and it was thought advifable, when the day appointed for eledion came, to adjourn the court to May, the time of the annual choice. -f Mr, Vane has been charged with as dark diffimulation a few years after, in affairs of vaftly greater importance, par- ticularly in the manncT of giving his teftimony in the cafe the Earl of StrafHjrd.
There came over with Mr. Cotton, or about the fame time, Mr. Hutchinfon and his family, who had lived' at Al<~ord, in the neighbourhood of Boflon. Mr. Hutchin- fon had a good eftate, and was of good reputation. His
wife,
.* In cafe the deputy (hould be chofc goveraofi as wasexpeded. + Mafi". records — Hubbard.
1636] MASSACHUSETTS. 57
wife, as Mr. Cotton fays, " was well beloved, and all the faithful embraced her conference, and bleflcd God for her fruitful difcourfesr^* After Ihe came to New-England, (he was treated with refpeft, and rrtuch notice was taken of her by Mr. Cotton, and other principal perfons, and parti- cularly by Mr. Vane the governor. Her hufband ferved in the general court feveral elections as a reprefentative for Bofton, until he was excufed at the defire of the church. -j' So much refped: feems to have increafed her natural van- ity. Countenanced and encouraged by Mr. Vane and Mr. Cotton, (lie advanced dodrines and opinions which involved the colony in difputes and contentions ; and, being improved to civil as well as religious purpofes, had like to have produced ruin both to church and ftate. The vigi- lance of fome, of whom Mr. Winthrop was the chief, pre- vented and turned the ruin from the country, upon herfelf and many of her family and particular fi lends. Mr. Wheelwright, a zealous minifter, of character for learning and piety, was her brother in law, and firmly attached to her, and finally fuffcred with her. Befides the meetings for public worlhip on the Lord's day, the ftated ledurc every Thurfday in Bofton, and, other occafional leftures in other towns, there were frequent private meetings of the brethren of the churches for religious exercifes. Mrs. Hutchinfon thought fit to fet up a meeting of the lifters alfo, where ftie repeated the fermons preached the Lord's day before, adding her remarks and expofitions. Her lec- tures made much noife, and fixty or eighty principal wo- men attended them. At firft they were generally approv- ed of. After fome time, it appeared fhe had diftinguiflied the minifters and members of churches through the coun- try, a fmill part of them under a covenant of grace, the reft under a covenant of works. The whole colony wai foon divided into two parties, and however diftant one party was from the other in principle, they were ftiU more fo in affe<flion.' The two capital errors with which fhe wa"? charged, were thefe : That the Holy Ghoft dwells perfon-
ally
■** Anfwer to Bailey.
+ Mr. William Ku'lchinfon was difcharged £rom airifllnglft the pxTtlcuIar counsi St the reijucH ofthe cljurch. M.i^. P.ic. Dec. i6j6.
Vol. i. E ' -
^8 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. 1
ally in a juftlfied perfon ; and, that nothing of fa n<5l location can help to evidence to believers their juftification. From thefe two a great number of others were faid to flow, which were enumerated and condemned at a fynod held the next year. The minifters of the feveral parts of the country, alarmed with thefe things, came to Bofton, whilfl: the general court was fitting, and fome time befjre the governor, Mr. Vane, afked his difmiffion. They conferred •vvith Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright upon thofe two points. The laft they both difciaimed, fo far as to ac- knovvledge that fan(5lification did help to evidence juftifi- cation : the other they qualified at leafl by other words ; they held the indwelling of the perfon of the Holy Ghoft, but not flriftly a perfonal union, or, as they exprefs it, not a communicating of perfonal proprieties. The governor not only held with Mr. Cotton, but went further, or wa-s more exprefs, and maintained a perfonal union. Mr. Winthrop, the deputy governor, denied both j and Mr. Willon, the other minifter of Bofton, and many of the min- ifters in the country, joined with him. A conference or difputation was determined on, which they agreed fhould be managed in writing, as moft likely to tend to the peace of the church. When they could not find that the Icrip- turcs, nor the primitive church for the firft three hundred years, ever ufed the term Perfon of the Holy Ghoft, they generally thought it was beft it Ihould be forborn, as be- ing of human invention. Upon the other queftion, Mr, Cotton, in a fermon, the day the court met, had acknow- ledged that evident fanctlfication is a ground of juftifica- tion ; and went on to fay, that in cafes of fpiritual defer- tion, true defire of fan£lification was found to be fanctifi- cation as divines ufually held j and further, if a man was laid fo flat upon the ground, as that he could fee no de- fires, but only as a bruifed reed did wait at the foot of Chrift, yet here was matter of comfort, for this was found to be true fandification in the root and principle of it. Mr, Vane and he both denied that any of thefe, or any degree of fandificatlon, could be evident without a concurrent fight of juftification.-* The town and <Sountry were dii-
tradcd
• Hubbard.
1^36] MASSACHUSETTS; f^
trafted with thefe fubtletles, and every man and woman" who had brains enough to form fome imperfeft concep- tions of them, interred and maintained fome other point, fuch as thefe : a man is juftified before he beheves ; faith is no caufe of juftification ; and if faith be before juf- tification, it is only apafiive faith, an empty velfel, &c. and alliirance is by immediate revelation only. The fear of God and love of our neighbour feemed to be laid by, and out of the qtieftion. All the church of Bofton, except four or five, joined with Mr. Cotton. Mr. Wilfon, the other minifter, and moft of the minifters in the country, oppofed him. "^
To increafe the flame, Mr. Wheelwright preached a fer- mon (Jan. 19) in which, befides carrying antinomianifm to the height, he made ufe of fom.e expreilions, which were laid hold of by the court as tending to fedition, for which he was fent for and examined, whilft Mr. Vane was in of- fice ; but a full inquiry and determination was fuipended,- until a more convenient time.
Whilft thefe contentions were thus increafing within, the Pequods, the moft v/arlike of all the Indians, were plotting deftru(flion from without. After Stone and his company were murdered, they lent meiicngers to Bofbon to make peace, pretending that the murder was committed by a few bad fellows, v/ho had fled to the Dutch, Their ambaffa- dors were courteoufly treated, and tlie terms of peace w^re agreed on. In confidence of their fidehty, John Oldham, ot whom mention has been made before, went in a fmall bark to trade with the Indians at Block-Ifland. They murdered him, but fpared two. boys, and two Narraganfet Indians, who were of nis company. The" murderers were difcovercd by the crew of a imall veHll, one Gallop mafter, from Connecticut, which happened to come upon them, foon after the fad:. Gallop had with him only one man and two boys, and no arms, except two muikcts and two pif- tols. Although the deck was full of Indians, who had guns, iWords, &c. yet as they were then not much ufed to them, they made but little rcfiftance; and when he boarded the vefiel, they jumped into the Cc^, and many of them were
drowned.
Vol, I, E 2
6o THE HISTORt OF [Chap. t.
drownecf. He found Oldham's body not cold, his brains beat out, and his limbs hacked off. Block-llland was un* der the Narraganfet Indians, but they denied their having any concern in the murder. The murderers were (liel- tcred and protected by the Pequods, who at the fame time furprifed divers Englif]-> in Connedicut river. Thefe proceedings caufed MafTachiiretts to fend fourfcoremen by water, under Capt. Endicot, who had inftrudions to offer peace to the Indians, upon their delivering up the murder- ers J if they refafed to do it, then to attack them. A great number cf them entered into lome fort of parley, by a meffenger and interpreter, keeping at a great diflance themfelves : bi'it as foon as they knew the terms, they ficd into the woods. Winter was approaching, and Mr. Endi- cot thought it advifable to return home, in order to prepare for a more general attack the next fummer. There were fome fevere reflexions caft upon him, for not purfuing the enemy at that time. The Pequods in the winter at- tempted an tinion with the Narraganfets,- There had been a fixed, inveterate enmity between the two tribes j but on this occafion the Pequods were willing to fmother it, their enmity againfl the Engiifli being the ftrongeft of the two ; and although they had never heard the ftory of Po- lyphenie and Ulyfles, yet they artfully urged that the En- Ijiil-h were come to difpoffefs fhem of their cotmtry, and that all tl\e Narraganfets could hope for from their friendfhip xvas the favour of being the lad devoured : wbcrcas, if the Indians would linitc, they might eafily deflroy the Englifh, or force them to leave the country, without being expofed themfelves to any hazard. They need not come to open battles : firing their houfes, killing their cattle, and lying in wait for them as they went about their ordinary bufi- nefs, would foon deprive them of all means of fubfifting. But the Narraganfets * preferred the prefent pleafure of r:;venge upon their mortal enemies to the future happinels of themfelves and their poflerity.-j' They are faid to have wavered at firft, but at length Myantinomo their chief la-
chem
♦ The 'Marraganfet fachern, and UncaSi fachem of the Nfohftgcs, Ajnt to the JEnglilh. aud offered ilieir fervke to join with them againft the Pequods, WinJ* low's anf. to Gorton.
+ MS. Journal.
1636] MASSACHUSETTS. 6t
ehein with twenty attendants went to Bodon, where all the magiilrates and minifters were called together to receive them, and a guard of twenty mulketeers fent to Roxbury to attend them. They ^vopofed to join in war againft the Pequods, and that neither Engliih nor Indians ihould make peace with them, bijt utterly deftroy them. The governor for form fake took time until the next morning to give an anfwer, and then the following articles were a- greed to.
1. A firm and perpetual peace betwixt them and the Engl i Hi.
2. Neither party to make peace with the Pequods with- PUt the confent of the other.
3. That the Narraganfcts fl;ould not harbour any Pe- quods.
4. That they fliould put to death or deliver vp any jnurderers of the Englifh.
5. That ^ they fliould return fugitive fervants.
6. The Englifh to give them notice when to go out a;? gainfl the Pequods, and the Narraganfets to furnilh guides.
7. Free trade to be carried on between the p5,rties,
H. None of the Narraganfets to come near the Englidi plantation during the war with the Pequods, without fome Englidiraan or Indian known to the Engiifh.
Cuihamaquin, a fachem of the MalFachi^fetts Indians, •alfo became a party to the treaty.
Indian fidelity is proverbial in New-England, as Punic was in Rome. The Narrag:^nfets are faid to have kept to the treaty until the Pequods were deft^oyed, and then ^hey grew infolent and treacherous.
Towards the end of the year, religious heats became more violent, and the civil affairs more fenfibly affeded by them. The people of Bofton in general were in favour of Mr. Vane the governor, the rett of the towns in general for Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor. At a fefiions of the court in March, it was moved that the court of elections for 1637 fhould not be held in Bofton, but in Newtown (Cambridge.) Nothing could be more mortifying to the governor ; and as he could not hinder the vote by a nega- tive, he refuied to put the qucilion. Mr. Winthrop the
deputy
fz' THi: HiSrOKY OF • [Chap F.
deputy governor, as he liveci in' Bofton, excufed bimfelf, and the court required Mr. Endicot, one of the affiftants, to do it. «lt was carried for the removal.
The more immediate occafion of the court's refentment againfc Bofton, was a petition figned bj' a great number of the principal inhabitants of that town, together with feme belonging to other towns, judging and condemning the court for their proceedings againft Mr. Wheelwright. At this feffion, Mr. Vane the governor could not prevent ^ jcenfure upon one Stephen Greehfmith, for faying that all the minifters, except 1S4r. CottOxi, Mr. Wheelwright, and he thought Mr. Hooker, preached a covenant of works. He v-^as required to make an acknowledgment to the fatisfliftion of the magiftrates and minifters, was fined forty pounds, &c.*
At the opening of the court of eledion for 1637, which was not done until one o'clock (May 17th) a petition was again offered from many of the town of Bofton, which the governor, Mr. Vane, would have had read ; but Mr. Winthrop, the deputy governor, cppoicd it as being out of order; this being the day by charter for elections, and the inhabitants all convened for that purpofc, if other buf- inefs was allowed to take up the time, the eledions would be prevented ; after the eleiflions were over, the petition iiiight be read. I'he governor and thofe of his party would not proceed, uniefs the petition was read. The time being far fpent, and many perfonj calling for elec- tion,-;- the d-puty governor c?.lled to the people to divide, and the greater number fliould carry it 3 which was done, and the majority was for proceeding. . Still the governor refuted until the deputy governor told him the)'- would go oil without him. This caufed him to fubmit. Mr. Win- throp was chofen governor, Mr. Dudley deputy governor, Mr. Saltonftall, Ion qf Sir Richard, and Mr. Stoughton^
new
• Maff. Records.
+ Mr. WiH'on, the minifter, in his teal, gat upon the bough of a tree (it was hot T\eathtfr, 'and the eleclion like that ot parliament men for the counties in England %vaicarriedon in the field) and there made a Ipcech. advifiag the people to look to their charter, and toconfider thepreient work ol' the day, which was deli K;ned tor the chooUng the governor, deputy governor, and therellof theafliitants tor the govein- meniot thecoinmonwealrh. Hisfpeech was wellveceivcd by the peopld whoprei Icutly C4lkd cut ele(aion, eleJlion, which tar?.cd the fcile.— A/^. Li/r if J. li'Ufjn.
1637] ■ MASSACHUSETTS. 65
{lew affillants; and Mr. Vane and his friends of the fame perfuafion, Dumnier, Haugh and Coddington, left out of the magiftracy. There was great danger of a violent tu- mult that da)'. The fpeeches on both (ides were fierce, and they began to lay hands .on one another, but theman- ifeft majority on one fide was a reftraint to the Other.* Bofton waited the evei)t of this eleftion of magiflrates be- fore they would choofe their reprefentatiyes for the other builnefs of the general court, and the next morning they chofe Mr. Va,ne the late goveri^or, Mr. Coddington and Mr. Haugh. This eledion of Boflon was immediately determined by the court to be vendue. The reafon is not afligned in the record, but it is faid -j- this reafon was given, that all the freemen were not notified. A warrant ifTu^d for a new choice, and Bofton returned the fame men again, and then they were not rcjeclied. The ferjeants, who ufed to attend Mr. Vane, laid down their halberds and went home as foon as the new governor was eleifled, j and tiipy refufed to attend him to and from the meetings on the Lord's days as had been ufual. They pretended this ex- traordinary refpect was fliewn to Mr. Vane as a }:)€rfon of quality. The court would have appointed others, but Mr. Winthrop took two of his otvn fervants to attend hini. Mr. Vane profelTed himfelf ready to ferve the caufe of God in the meaneft capacity. He was notwithftanding m.ucli mortified, and difcovered his refentment. Although he had fat at church among the magiftrates from his firfl arrival, yet he and thole who la ad been left out with him placed themfelves with the deacons, and when he was invited b^^ the governor to return to his place, herefufed it. .j.
An extraordinary aft made by the general court this fefr fion very much heightened the difcontent. Many perfons .of the favourite opinions ir; Bofton, were expeded from England ; a penalty therefore was laid on all perfons wlio Ihould entertain in their houfes any ftranger vv-ho came with intent to refide, or ihould allow the ufe of any lot or hab- itation above three weeks, v/ithout liberty from one of the
ftanding
* Hubbard— Mafr. Recqrds. + Hubbard.
% The military companies eleSed their officers, otherwife the court would un= ]ipubtedly have appointed other ferjc^ms.
64 THE HISTC)RY OF ICka?. L
{landing council, or two other afTiflants. The penalty on private perfcns was forty pounds, and twenty pounds be- fides for every month they continued in the offence. And any town which gave or fold a lot to fuch ftranger was fubiedl to lool. penalty; but if any inhabitant of fuch town (hould enter his dilTent with a magiftrate, he was to be excufed his part of the fine.* This was a very fevere order, and was fo difliked by the people of Bofton that upon the governor's return from court they all refufed to go out to meet him or fhew him any refpedt.-f Mr. Winthrop, however firm and refolute in the execution of his office and fteady to his principles, yet in private life behaved with much moderation. He was obliging and condefcending to all, and by this means in a lliort time recovered their afFedions and was in greater efteem than ever. Indeed while Bofton thus flighted him, the other towns increafed their reiped ; and in travelling the fame fummer to Ipfwich, he was guarded from town to town with more ceremony than he defired.|
Mr. Vane, in company with Lord Leigh, fon of the Earl of Marlborough, who came to fee the country, failed for England the beginning of Augufl, where he had a much larger field opened. The nation at that time was difpofed to receive very favourably men of his genius and caft of mind. The fhare he had in the revolution there, and his unhappy fate upon the reftoration of King Charles the f.'Cond, are too well known to need any notice here. He came into New-England under peculiar advantages. His father was one of the privy council. He himfelf had the friendfhip of the Lord Say and Seal, who was in the hlgheft efteem in the colony. He made great profeffions of reli- gion, and conformed to the peculiar fcruples of that day. I have feen a long letter wrote to him while he was on (hip-board by one of the paflengers in the fame fhip, ap- plauding him for honouring God fo far as to fhorten his
hair
* Miff Records.
+ Mr. Cotton was fo difTitisfied with this law, that he fays he intended to Juve removed out of the jurifdiction to Quinnypiack, fince called New-Haven ; but finding the law was not improved to exclude fuch perfcns as he ftared it would be. he altered his tT>in4> yi"/- to Bailey.
t Hubbard.
1637] MASSACHUSETTS. 65
hair upon his arrival In England from France, and urging a complete reformation by bringing it to the primitive length and form. It was with much difficulty he could obtain his father's confent to come over, but his inclination was fo ftrong that at length he had leave of abfence for three 3'ears. It is faid that the King being acquainted with Mr. Vane's difpofition, commanded the father, who had no great affeftion for the religion of New-England, to gratify him.* However this may have been, it was be- lieved in New-England to be true, and with the other circumftances mentioned ftrongly recommended him. Part of his bufinefs was the fettlement of Connecticut, in con- junftion with Mr. Winthrop the governor's fon, as agents for Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brooke, &c.-f- The moil valuable places for townfhips had been taken up before, by people from MafTachufetts, as we have already obferved ; and the agents, not being willing to difhurb them, contented themfclves at prefent with the poffeffion of the mouth of the river, and Mr. Vane was flopped by the general defire of the colon/ in order to his being eleded governor. The adminiftration of a young and unexperienced but obftinate and felf-iufficient governor, could not but be difliked by the major part of the people, and at the next election they not only would not Co much as choofe him an afTiftant, but made an order that no man for the time to come ihould be qualified for the place of governor until he had been at lead one whole year in the country. | A letter wrote from New-Englaad fhews the (QiiCt they had of him after they had made trial. " Mr. Vane coming from England a *' young gentleman, was prefentiy eleded governor, and
" before
• Hubbard.
+ The Earl of Warwick obtained a grant of the feacoaft from Nanaganfel river to the fouti-weft 40 leagues to keep the breadth to the fouth fea. This he afligned in 163 i to Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook, Lord Richi Charles Fiennest Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonftall, Richard Knightly, John Pym, John Hampden, John Humphry, and Herbert Pelham, Efq. Thele with their hATo- ciates are the noblemen and gentlemen often mentioned in private letters to be iBxpeSed over every year, and Mr. Fenwick kept pofi'eirion, and would not fufFer fettlements until affairs in England had taken fuch a turn that perfons of their ch3ra£lsr had r.ooccaflon for an afylum.
$ I do not find this order in the records. It is mentionad by Mr- Hubbard* who was then ai the fpot.
66 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I.
*' before he was half warm in his feat, to fhew his fpirit, " began to broach new tenets drawn from the lees of one *' Mr. Wheelwright, agitated with fuch violence as if tlrey " had been matters of that confequence, that the peace ** and welfare of New-England miifl be facrificed rather ** than they fhould not take place. Divifions are always *' dangerous, never fafe, never more dangerous than in a ** new fettled government. Yet this man, altogether ig- " norant of the art of government, thinks it not enough to *' fet the ho-jfe on fire, but muft add oil to the flame, and " fo flir had the bandying of thcfe things nrocecded, that " it was of God's great mercy it ended not in our dellruc- " tion. It is fit that fomething Ihould be faid of the man " that put us into this danger. Truly by his afpeft you " would judge him a good man. Yet I am perfuaded he " hath kindled thole fparks ainong us which many ages *' will not be able to extingui'b. But the wifdom of the ** flate put a period to his government before he had rua ** out his circuit. They were neceflitated to undo the *' work of their own hands, and leave a blemiOi upon *' thatrafli undertaking for pofterity to defcant upon, and " a caveat to us, that ail men are not fit for government, *' and none io dangerous when he is up as one that makes *' his affeclicn his rule. But this difgrace took fo deep an " impreffion, that partly from a fenfe of it. and partly *' from a confcioufnefs how ill he had defsrved of us through' *' his heat of indlfcretion, he exchanged New-England for " Old." Lord Say and Seal fpeaking of him after bis arrival in England, in a letter to Mr. Cotton, fiys, " Fof " the young man Mr. Vane whom your love followethj " and its well it doth fo, for he niay be recovered, I have not " been wanting to do my endeavour to ilievv him the dan- *' ger of his way and what hath been the fad ifTue thereof *' in others, from whence 1 think it cometh, and whither " Satan's aim is to drive it, as might have appeared to you " by my letters written to him unto New-En^and when I " firft did perceive his delufions, if he had ih^wn my let- " ters to you. I Ihali be glad to do my bell to t lat end ftill, " but I have not that fVcqiient converfe with his familj*
■' now
.r637] MASSACHUSETTS. 67
" now as heretofore, whereof there are the moft in Holland, " and the reft will ihortly be there alfo."*
The .
* After all that has been faid to the difadvantage of Mr. Vane's charafler, it ought to be reinemheredj to his honour, that nof.vithftandin^ the llights put upon him by the colony, he fliexved a truly chriftiau fpirit of tory/ivenefs ; t^r when in the yeaf 1644 an attachment was made of the etiects of alderman Berk- ley of London, in the MalTachufetts colony, at the fuit of the lady La Tour, and judgment given for 2000I. rterliiig, and no appeal admitted, a hea\'y complaint >vas made againft the government, and they were threatenefl with tiie lofs of their privileges, Sir H. Vane (lood their friend, and by his great interell with the par- liament appeafed their refentment. and laid the ftorm which was gathering and liuiig over them. MS letter.
The author of the life and death of Sir Henry Vane, printed in 1662, fays — •» That it was fuggefted by the bilhops to the then King concerning hi in, that the heir of a confiderable family about his Majefty was grown into dillike of tne <lifcipline and ceremonies of the church of Enjjland, and that his Mdjelly might do well to take fome couife about him. On this the then bilhop of London took him to talk, who feemed to handle him gently in the conference, but concluded hardily enough againft him in the dole. In hne, feeing hinilelf on all hands in an evil cafe, he refolved for New- England- In order to this, ftriking in with fome non-conformifts whicii intended that way, his honourable birth, long hair» and other circuniftances of his peri'on, rendered his fellow travellers jealous of him as a fpy to betray their liberty, rather than any way like to advantage their defign. But he that they thought at tirft fight to have too little of Chrilt for their company, did foon after appear to have too much for them. For he had not been long in New- England but he ripened inio more knowledge and experi- ence of Chriil than the churches there could bear the teftimoay of. Even New- EnglanJ could not bear all his words, though these was no King's court or King's chapel. Then he returns for Old-England-"
The following letter was wrote by a perfon of quality to a near relation of Sir Henry Vane, about a week after his e.\ecution ; • ' Madam,
" If I do later than others give you an account of the Ihare I have in the lofs of your generous kinfnian, it is becaufe I would not rudely dilturb the motions of lb juli a I'orrow : but I hope that you are allured I have fo real a concern in all that relates to you, that it was not neceHary by an early hafte to fend you an information nf it. I have. Madam* whillt I own a love to my country, a deep inteiefl in the public lofs which fo many worthy pcrfons lament- The world is robbed of an unpaialleled ex-ample of virtue and piety. His great abilities made his enemies perfuade themfelves that all the revolutions in the lall age v/cre wrought by his inhuence, as if the world was moved only by his engine- In him they lodged all the dying hopes of the par»y. There was no opportunity that he did not improve for the advantage of his country. Artd when he was in his lall and much deplored ftate, he Itrove to make the people in love with that freedom
they had fo foolilhly and lavillily thrown away- ^He was great in all his
aclions, but to me he feemed grcateft in his fufierings, when his enemies feemed to tear that he alone Ihould be able to acquaint them with a change of fortune. In his loweft condition, you have feen hiin the terror of a great piince ftrength- ened by many potent confederates and armies. You have feen him live in high eftimarion and honour, and certainly he died with it- Men arrive at honours by feveral ways- The martyrs, though they wanted the glittering crowns the princes of thofe ages difpenfed, have rich ones in every juft man's efteem. — Virtue, though unfortunate, fliines in fpite of all its enemies, nor is it in any power to deface thoie lafting monuments your friend hatii raifed of his in every heart that either knew him or held any intelligence with his fame. But Madam 1 trefpafs too long upon ) our patience- This is a fubjecl I am apt to dwell on, becaufe I can never fay enough of it. I (hall now only defire you to make ufe of that fortitude and virtue that raifed your friend above the power and malice of his enemie.i, and do not by an imiaoderate forrow dv.-f^roy tlia: which was To dear
, to
68 THE PIISTORY OF [Chap. I,
The party in New-England loft their head. Mrs. Hut- chinfon notwithftanding continued her ledures. The court for the prefent took no notice of her condud, nor of any erroneous opinions, but waited the determination of l"ie churches in a general council : accordingly, a fynod was appointed to be held at Newtown the 30tb of Auguft, where were prefent not only the minifters and meffengers of churches, but the magiftrates alfo, who, Mr. Weld fays (J fuppofe he was a member) were not only hearers, but fpcakers alfo, as they thought fit. Mr. Cotton, although at the head of the minifters, was too much a party to be proper for a moderator, and Mr. Hooker and Mr. Bulkley were chofen. Three weeks were f]^^)ent in difputing prq and coii, and at length above fouricore points or opinions faid to have been maintained by fome or other in the coun- try w&re condemned as erroneous, arid the refult was fign^ ed by all the members but Mr. Cotton. He had expref- fed his diflike of moft of them, but declined condemning them, all maintaining that union to Chrift preceded faith in hirn ; but at the fame time, declared that the other new opinions were heretical, abfurd, and (bme of them blafphemous, and promifed to bear teftimony againft them.* This general agreement ftruck a damp upon the opinionifts, and gave further life and vigour to the other, party. Mr. Hooker at firft difapproved of determining the points in controverly by a fynod. He- writes to Mr» Sht-pard of Newtown, April 8, 1636 (it fliould be 37J '* For your general fynod, I cannot yet fee either how reaT " fonable or how falutable it will be for your turn, for the " fettling and eftabliOiing the truth in that hqnourable way *' as were to be defircd. My ground is this. They will *' be chief agents in the fynod who are chief parties in the " caufe ; and for them only who are prejudiced in the con- ** troverfy to pafs fentence againft caufe or perfon, how " improper ! how unprofitable ! My prefent thoughts *' run thus : That fuch conclufions which are moft extra,
" moft
to him, yourfelf. but live the lively reprefentatioa of his virtue, the ejcercife of which hiuh made you always the admiration of
Your humble fervantj &c. The sift June, i66i." f.!fe of Sir H, Vane.
* Hubbard— Tohnfon.
1537] MASSACHUSETTS. 69
** moft erroneous, and crofs to the common current, fend *' them over to the godly learned to judge in our own " country, and return their apprehenfions. I fuppofe the " iffue will be more uncontroulablc. If any ihould fug- •* geft this was the way to make the clamour too great and '* loud, and to bring a prejudice upon the plantations, I '* fhoLild foonanrwer, there is nothing done in corners here, *' but it is o{>;nIy there related, and in luch notorious caf- " es which cannot be kept fecret, the molt plain and na- " kv*d relation ever caufeth the truth moil to appear, " and prevents all groundiefs and neediefs jcaloufies, where- " by men are apt to make things more and worie than they " arc."
Althousjh two of the elders were the moderators or pro- locutors ot the aflcmbly, yet Mr. Winthrop feems to have had a controuling power. An anonymous writer of a manufcript fent from New-England the lame year gives this account of it. " The iynod being met, much ' time is-fpent in ventilation, and emptying of private paf- ' fions J at length divers truths are concluded upon, as the
* nature of grace and faith, the neceffity of repentance
* and good works, the perfeftion of the fcrlptures, and like
* truths of common allay were aiTented unto by comtnon ' fuffrage : but when they came to the nature of the cov-
* enant, the qualifications preceding it, the ufc of it, the
* feal ofthefpirit, the HelenJES for which they itrive, there ' they were as different as ever, refolvcd in nothing but 'this, that no one would be refolvcd by another i but ' tberein was the wifdom and excellent fpirit of the gov-
* ernor feen, filencing pafiionate and impertinent fpeech-
* es, as another Conftantine, defiring the divine oracies ' might be heard, fpeak and exprefs their own meaning,- ' adjourning the aliembly when he faw heat and paffion, ' fo that through the bleffing of God the aifembly is dif-= ' folved, and jarring and diffonant opinions if not reconcii-
* cd, yet are covered, and they who cam.e together with ' minds exafperated, by this means depart in peace, and
* promife by a mutual covenant, that no difference in o-
* pinion fh all alienate their affedions any more, but that ' they will refer doubts to be refolved by the great God,
" at
70 THE HISTORY OF [Cha'p. 1/:
*' at that great day, when we Ihall appear at hlstribunaL" The fynod being thus over, the minds of the people were prepared for a further proceeding againft the oplnionifts.* The court at their feflions the 2d of November, took no- tice of the petition prefented and called feditious in March preceding. 'They expelled two of their own members, Afpinvvall and Coggefliall, one for figning, and the other for iuilifying it, and fent a warrant to the toivn of 3ofton to return two other deputies in their room. The town a- grced to fend them back, but Mr, Cotton hearing of it, went to the meeting, and prevented it, and they chofe two others, one of which had figned the petition, arid was therefore difmifled.-f- The court then fent for Mr. Wheelwright, and requiring of him an acknowledgment of his offence, he refufed it, and juftified his conduct ; but the court refolved that it tended to difturb the civil peace, disfranchifed and banilhed him, allowing 14 days to fettle his affairs, &c.;|;
Mrs. Hutchinfon was next called to her trial, before the whole court and many of the elders. An ancient manu- fcript of the trial at large having been prefervcd, difcovers nothing in her conduct but what might naturally be ex- pefted from a high degree of enthufiafin.j} Her notions of revelations do not leem to have been altogether difcounte- nanced by Mr. Cotton himfelf. Her fentence upon re- cord flands thus : " Mrs. Hutchinfon, the wife of Mr. " William Hutchinfon, being convented for traducing the '* minilters and their minifcry in the country, Ihedeclar- *' ed roluntarlly her revelations, and that, flie fhould bo " delivered, and the court ruined with their pofi:a'ity, and " tliereupon was banilhed, and in the mean while was " committed to Mr. Jofeph Weld (of Roxbury) until the *' court niali difpofe of her." Having received her fen* tence from the court, ihe had a further trial to go' throu<2;h in the church. She was firll admoniihed. Mr.
o
Cotton
* This fpiritual court did not pronounce particular perfons to be heretics, but it determined what was herely, and made the way plain for the lecular power tv proceed.
t Hubbard.
I Mart'. Recoi-tis.- . •
i[ t>v'e .«Lppc:idix :o Vjl. ii. No. z'.
1637] MASSACHUSETTS. 7?
Cotton fays that Mr. Davenport and he imagined they had ■ convinced her of her errors, and fhs prefented what was called a recantation under her hand, but at the fame time profelied that flie never was of any other judgment than v.'hat file now held forth. The recantation is not preferv- ed. She had, no doubt, fome fine-fpun diftiniftions, too commonly made ufc of in theological controverfies, to ferve as a fubtcrfuge if there be occafion,* and perhaps, as many other enthufiafts have done, ihe conlidered herielf divinely coiiimiffioned for fome great purpofe, to obtain which iTie might think thofe windings, fubtleties and infinuations lawful which will hardly confift with the rules of morality. 2"^o wonder fhe was imimoderately vain when fhe found magiftrates and miniilers embracing the novelties advanced by her. The whole church of Boilon, a few members ex- cepted, were her converts. At length (he forfook the pub- lic alfemblies, and fct up what ihe called a purer worlhip in her own family. It is not improbable fhe was encoura- ged herein by Mr. Vane, who fome years after fell into the fame practice in England. Mr. Hooker, who had been charged by her with want of foundnefs in the faith, in re- turn exprcires himfelf with fome acrimony concerning her. " The expreffion of providence againft this wretched wo- " man hath proceeded from the Lord's miraculous mercy, " and his bare arm hath been difcovered therein from firft " to laft, that all the churches may hear and fear. I do *' believe fuch a heap of hideous errors at once to be vented *' by fuch a felf-deluding and deluded creature, no hiftory *' can record ; and yet, after recantation of all, to be call *' out as unfavoury fait, that fhe may not continue a peft *' to the place, that will be forever marvellous in the eyes *' of all the faints. It will not get out of my mind and ** heart, but there is a myftery in the clofurc and upfliot of " thi§ bufinefs; but he that carries the wifdom of the craf- " ty headlong, is able to lay open that aifb in his leafon. *' At the firil reading of your relation, I could not but fuf-
" peA
* Mr. Cotton in a letter to Mr. Stone at Hartford fays, '« Mrs. Hutchinfon, cf ivhom you fpeak, though (he publicly revoked the errors, yet affirming her judg- iucnt was never other.vii'e, though her cxprefllons were contrary, the was ex.com- niunicated by the whole church, nem. con. Some other of the oiembers th;.t joined with her were gone av/ay before," kc
72 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I.
" ped To much ; may be it is but my melancholic fufpl- " cion, but thefe three things prefented thcmfelves in open " view to my mind : i . That it v/as never intended fhe *' Ihould be excommunicated. 2. That her recantation *' was flill with fo miich rcfervation as fmks the mind of •' fuch who would have made way for her efcape, viz. That *' our eledion is firft evidenced- 3. That this conceit is *' a neft egg to breed and bring in many other falfe imag- *' i nations, if it be llretched to its breadth. Add alfo ** hereunto, that there is no odds from hcrfelf, but only in •* fome expreflions and mifprifions that way as fhe would ** have men think, and then you have the whole caufe " where it was conceived in a narrower compafs, and un- *' der a double vizard, that the appearance of it may fuit ** every purpofe, as the occafion fits."
Mr. Hutchinfon her hufband fold his eftate, and remov* ed with his wife and family firfl to Aquidneck* (Rhode liland) being one of the purchafers of that ifland from the Indians, where, by the influence of his wifej-f- the people laid afide Mr. Coddington and three other magiftrates, and chofe him for their fole ruler ; but he dying about the year 1642, and file being diffatisfied with the people or place, flie removed to the Dutch country beyond New- Haven, and the next year flie and all of her family which were with her, being 16 perfons, were killed by the In- dians, except one daughter^ whom they carried into cap- tivity. +
The
* Canonicns, chief fachcm of NaTrajanfct and Nianfkkt fold the ifland to William Coddington and his a(Ibciatei>i March 2ij, i(>iJ. A/6".'
f Hubbard.
:J: For the falfhood of. her declaration flic waj excommunicated. Sdmc writers mention the manner of her death as being a remarkable judgment of God for hef herefies. Her partifans charged the guilt of the murder upon the colony. Mr. Weld fays Ihe was delivered of a.s many unformed foetus's at a birth as ihe main- tained errors, and that another adrefs was delivered of a monfter, and that all the women were feized with a violent vrtmiting and purging — ftories as credible as that of the Flanders Countefs, who is faitl to have had as many children at a birth as there are days in the year.
The author of a little trail puhlifhed in 1676 under the title of ^ Gldfs for the Ptople of Neiv-ETig/and, by S. G. (it feems by the language arid the malevo- lent fpirit to be Samuel Gorton) lays, •• The next piece of wickednefs 1 am to tnind you of is your barbarous attion committed againft Mrs. Ann Hutchinfon, whom you firft imprifoncd, then banifhed, and fo expofed her to that dcfolate condition that (he fell into the hands of the Indians, who murdered her and her fkmily except cnc child, and after that mad* a notorious lie oa the deftVbyCd
>Yoman
1637] MASSACHUSETTS- 73
The confuiion in the colony occafidned by thefe religious difputes was very great, and it appears from the letters then wrote from England that they made great noife there, but after all it is highly probable that if Mr. Vane ha*d re- mained in England or had not craftily made ufe of the party which maintained thefe peculiar opinions in religion to bring him into civil power and authority and draw the aiTeclions of the people from thofa who were their leaders into the wildernefs, thefe like many other errors might have prevailed a (liort time without any difturbance to the ftate, and, as the abfurdlty of them appsated, fiiently fubfided, and pofterity would not have known that fuch a woman as Mrs. Hutchinfon ever exifted.* We may fuppofe that . they who from the beginning had gone along with her m her errors were not difpleafed at a good pretence for getting rid of her without condemning thcmfelves. It is difficult to difcover from Mr. Cotton's own account of his principles^ publifhed ten years aftervv'ards in his anfwer to Bailey, wherein he differed from her. Her Vv'arm imagination was more
VvTOUght
woman, which Samuel Clark, priefl of Londonj taking the lie out of his brother Weld's (hort flory, muft needs put into his book called God's judgments agninffc heref) — The woman before mentioned having been by the priefts and proteirors Jjumped and lifted to get fomething againft her, laying their foares to entrap her» and taking their opportunity when her hufband and friends, as it was laid, were abfent, examined and bajrdihed her. — So Ihe goes by water with ma'ny others who' perceived they muft go to pot next, and providentially fell in with Rhode-Ifland, where they made a cave or caves, and in them lived until the cold winter was part, in which time it was known to the protefTors where they were, and that they had bought the ifland of the Indians. And tlie profeirors began to ftir and endeavour to bring ti»e ifland within the compafs of their patent; lb tlie poor molelied woman it is like let in fear, and thought fhe would go tar enough troni their reach ; fo going fouthward to iVs'.k a place to fettle upon, where flie and Iter family might live in quietnefs, fell upon a piece ot land that was in oontroverfy 1^ between the Dutch and the natives, and the natives being in a heat came upon ^ them and were the executioners of what the New-England piiefls, ma^iftrates and church members, were the occaiion, through their wicked and cruel pr^jceed-
ings in forcing them to flee from their rage and fury. -So, rea^der, thou mayeft
fee the rage and envy of this profeffing generation, for they jmpriloned and ban- ished this renvierly bred woman in or towards winter, and what with i'.-ars and tollings to and fro tlie woman mifcarried, upon which they grounded theu' ••bom-- inable untruth. Many witnefles might be produced to prove tliis, and to dil"» prove tlicir abominable frequently told flander and alfo printed by pnelts iud New-England profeffors and their confederates here in England."
* A great numbej- of the principal inhabitants, moit of them being dilarmed and deprived of their civil privileges, removed. Mr. Coddington and Dummer had been afiiftants ; Mr. Hutchinfon, Afpinwall and CoggeihaiU rcprefeniative* ; Rainsfoid, Sanford, Savage, Eliot, Ealton, Bendall, Denilon, were all perfous q? diftindion. About 6© were difitrnied in Bofton befides,
Vol. I. S
74 THE HISTORY OF Chtap. t
wrought upon by the enthufiaftic tenet than his pla- cid temper. He feems to have been in danger when (he was upon trial. JMr. Dudley the deputy governor bore hard upon him : Hugh Peters- ihewed that he was well difpokd to bring him upon tria}. The other minifters treated him coldly ; but Mr. Winthrop, whofe influence was now greater than ever, protected him. Not long after, in a iermon at a fad, Dgc. 13, 1638., he confe lied and be- wailed the churches and his own fccnrity and credulity, by means whereof fo many dangerous errors had fpread, and faewed how he came to be deceived ; the errors be- ing formed in words, fo near the truth v\hich he had .preached, and the falfehood of the maintainefs of them be- ing fuch that they ufually would deny to liim- .what they had maintained to others.* His conduct in this day of temptation was forgotten, and he ioon recovered, and to-* his death preierved, the efteein and rcfped of the whole colony.
Mr. Wheelwright went to- New-Hampfliire and laid the foundation of the town and church of Exeter, and af- terwards removed to Hampton, and from thence to Salif- bury. He was reftcred in 1644 upon a flight acknowledg- ment. He was in England in ^.658,. and in favour with Cromwell, as appears by a letter to the cliurch at Hamp- ton. He hved to be the oldefh minifter in the colony, which would have been taken notice of, if his perfecutors, had not remained in power.-)-
The court, to prevent tumults, required about fixty of the inhabitants of Bolton to deliver up their arms and am-^ munition of every fort, under penalty of lol. upon each perfon neglecting, and laid the like penalty upon every one- of them who fhould afterwards borrow any ai-ms or ammu- nition. And at the fame time made a law to puniih any perfon by fine, imprifonment or banifhment, who fhould defame any court, or any of their fentences.
A great number removed out of the jurifdiction, fome of them' being banilhed, fome disfranchifed -, more to
Rhode-
* Hubbard.
+ He died ia 1680. His for\, grjtndroni and great-^randfon, have been of the c^-uncil /or the jirovincei
1637] MASSACHUSETTS. 75
Rhode-Wand than to any other place. In a fliort time, moft of them were permitted to return, and were reftored to their former privileges. The moft of thofe errors which were condemned by the fynod, it is probable, they never would have owned as their principles, and they appear rather to be deduced by fome of the fynod as naturally- following from the capital opinions, than to have been ad- vanced by the opinioniih themfelves, or perliaps may have been unguardedly dropped by particular perfons in the heat_ of their difputes, or during an enthufiaftic frenzv, and in others may have been the effea: of a fond fancy for paradoxical tenets. They were charged indeed with prin- ciples vv-hich admit and introduce all kinds, of immorality, and which make no diftinction between virtue and vice. So are fatalifts and predeftinarians. Many of them were after\frards employed in pods of honour and truft, v^ere ex- emplary in their lives and convcrfatlons, and their letters and private papers flicw that they were pious and devout^ and with the name of antinomians paid the ftrideft regard to moral virtue. The opinionifts were punifned for be- ing deluded enthufiafts. The other fide were delud- ed alio by a zeal for the puniihment, for the honour of God, of fuch of his creatures as differed in opinion from themfelves. It is evident not only by Mrs. Hutchinfon's trial, but by many other public proceedings, that inquili- tion was made into men's private judgmejits as well as into their declarations and pradice. Toleration was preached againft as a fm in rulers which would bring down the judgments of heaven uoon the land.*
^This unhappy controverfy did not take off the attention of the government Itoiii their neceliary defence againil the Pequod Indians, who continued their hoftilities. Gover- .. nor Vane had fent Capt. Underhiii the winter before to
ftrengtheii
* Mr. Dudley died with a copy of veifes in his pocket wrote with his own hand. The following two lines made p.trt of it :
Let men of Cod in court and churches watch ^"er luch as do a toleration hatch. This \va5 the prevailing doitrine many yeari, and until their eves were opeaed b> a freih perfecution coming upon thcniVelves from King James. Tliis madc- his dedaration for a general liberty of coalcien»e welcome, .^nd tiiey thanked the Kmg ior allowing to tiiem what they before thought themfelves boiJ-:d i;i t-ou- Icicnce to deny to others.
VoL.i. Fz
7^ THE HISTORY OF [CriAp ii
ftrengtfeen the garrifon at Saybrook fort, which they laid liege to for feveral weeks together. The three colonies, Maffachufetts, Plymouth and ConneAicut, agreed, with their joint forces, to go into the Indian country, and at- tempt their entire deilrudlion. Maffachuietts fent i6o men, under the command of Capt. Stoughton. The number raifed by each town gives us (bme idea of the pro- portion which the feveral fcttlem.ents bore to one another at this time.* Connecticut men being fettled near the Indian country, it was expefted they v/ould be early in adtion ; the firii of the Maifachufetts men that could be raifed were therefore ordered to march. This party con- fifttd of 40 men. Capt. Patrick,-!^ wli.0 had the command of them, by letters difpatched from Providence acquainted Capt. Mafon, the commander of the Connecticut men, that he was haftening to join him* The body of the In- dians were in tvv^o forts or inclofaresy which on ail fides they had rendered as defenfible as they could by palifa- does, their fkill in fortiiicatlon carrying them no farther. SalTacus the chief fachem was in one of them, and to that the Englilh intended. Capt. Mafon went with about So EngliOi (20 of which under Capt. Underhill of the Malla- clifetts he had taken from Saybrook fort) and 100 river | Indians by water to the Narraganfets' country, where 200 cf that tribe joined him. He would gladly have waited for Patrick's company, but was afraid the friend Indians would attribute the delay to want of courage, and there- fore on the 24th of May he began his march for Saflacus's fort. The Narragi-anfet Indians were ftruck with terror at the name of Saffacus, and endeavoured to diffuade Mafon ; but finding him determined, many of them left him, and Bear an hundred of them went back to Providence, where •
thcv
* Bofton 26, Charleftown ii> Roxbury lo, Dorchefter \j, Weymouth 5> Hing- ham 6, Medford 5, Newbur> 8, Iplwich 17, Salem 18, Saugus (Lynn) 16, Water-^ town 14. Newtown 19. Marblelicad 3.
+ Patrick had ferved in Holland in the Prince of Orange's guard, and was fent for to initrud the people of the colony in military difcipiine. In order to his being made a freeman he was adnarted a member of the church at V/atertown. but the ItricV manners of the New-England men did not agree with a Dutch fol-dier. He foon removed to the Dutch at New-Netherland. lie was Ihot dead by a D'utchrnan at Stamtbid in 1643. HuLiard.
X Conoedicut tiver.
£637] MASSACHUSETTS. 77
they reported that the Pequods had killed all the Engllfh. This report was carried to Bodon, and muft have caufed great concern there.* SQon afcer, one of UnderhiU's men fell lame, and the reft of the company, wearied in travel- ling, being loaded with arms, ammunition and provifions, and Saifacus's fort being eight miles further diftanr, they refolved to attack the Indians in the other, which was .called Miftick fort.-f Wequafh,;!; originally a Pequod, who was born at Miftick but nov/ lived with the Narra- ganfets, was their guide to the dellrudtion of his own jcountrymen and nearcfb relations. They fent him forward jto reconnoitre ; and he returned with inteUigence, that the Pequods had taken great ftore of bafs that day^ and were ^n a high feaft, fmging, dancing, and bleffing their god|j for that the Englifh were gone away. They had feen the veflels pafs by their river from Saybrook towards Narra- ganfet, and fuppofecj they were gone off". Some of the Englini advanced, and heard the Indians at their revels Luitil midnight. The next morning (May 26) about break of day, after a march qf three or four miles frorn the place where they halted the night before, they came v/ithin fight of the fort, which v/as upon a hill. Wequafii pi'ioted them to the gate. The centinel happened juft then to be gone into a wigwam to light his pipe. The Indians were all in a deep fleep. One of their dogs bark- ing at the approach of tlie Ewglifh caufed a difcovery. The Indians within the fort began their tremendous yell ; and the Indians without, who were in the Englifh rear and afraid to come up, fcconded them. No found that was ever made can be more horrid than the Indian yelL The Englifh immediately fired into the fort, the palifadoes not being fo clofe as to hinder the muzzles of their guns
going
* MS letter.
+ A manufcript journal faye? that Underhiil, upon his man's latucnefS) refolv- ed that he and his company would go to MiIliLk, reading God's mind by that providence; and that Mafon, unwilling tu part conformed : but Hubbard fays, they were both of a mind> for the other rcafons mentioned. Underhiil was one of the forwarded of the Bofton enthufiafts.
X WequaOi became a chriftian and an apoftle among his own people, travelling up and down to make converts, and when he died gave his foul to Chrift and- his only child to the Engliih, hoping it would know more of Chrift than its poor father ever did. Mr. Sbe^ard's Lttter to London,
\
\ This may be the conje^ilure of the journalist.
7S THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L
going between. Not being able eafily to enter at the gate, Mafon went round to the other fide of the fort, where was another opening or entrance barred with branches of forked trees onl)^ at which he entered with thofc that were with him. His heutenant and the reft of the Enghfh entered at the fame time by other parts. The Indians, who had no arms but bows, tomahawks and Englifh hatchets, made ftout refiftance at firft, and wounded many of the Englifli, Mafon intended to have Ipared tiie wigwams ; but finding his men thus diftreiled, he entered one of them, and with a firebrand he found there fet it on fire. While he was doing it, an Indian was drawing his bow, and would un- doubtedly have kihed him if his ferjeant coming in had. not cut the bow-firing with his hanger. The fire fpread to the refl of the wigwams, and tlie Lngiifiii all retreated without the tort, and furrounded it. The Indians fome climbed to the top of the palifadoes to avoid the fire, and fo expgfcd themfeives to the Englifh bullets; others forced their way out of the fort ; and if any of them brake through the Engiifii, the allied Indians were in a ring at fome little difiance, fo that few if any efcaped. Ther* were about 60 or 70 wigwam.s in the fort or inclofure, and, it was imagined, four or five h.undred Pequods, men women and children. Three of the Englifii were flain, and many both Englifli and Indians their friends wounded with arrows, and fome very badly. The army was in dif- treis, notwithftanding then* victory. The morning was cold. They had no fort of refrefiimont, not fo much as water, nor any flicker for their wounded. They had no intelligence of their veffels which had been ordered to come from Narraganfet to Pequod river. Many Indians were in the woods, who were not of the party in the fort. In the midfl; of this perplexity, they efpied their vefiels at ■a diftance, failing towards them.. They then took up their wounded upon mats faftened to poles, fome with the heads of the arrows in their bodies, and marched to the vefiels fix miles through the woods and fwamps, the In- dians lying in wait at every convenient place, and with their arrows wounding many more ; but many of the In- dians were flain in their attempts upon the Englifli. TJiey
put
3j^37] MASSACHUSETTS. 79
put tlicir wounded into one of the barks, which fet fail the lame night and reached Saybrook fort. Patrick came in a pinnace from Pnovidence to Narraganfet foon after the forces marched, and with tlie other vellels went forward, takino; Mvontinomo the lachem of Narrag;anfet v/ith them'i byt their arrival was prevented by contrary winds until the morning of the aftion, after it was over. Ivloft of the Englifn and all the Indians marched through what was called Nianticut's countrj--, to Saybrook fort, their velfels alfo arrivin^g there the next day. Tlie Indians in alliance with the Englifli had taken eighteen captives, ten males and eiglit females j four of the males were difpofed of, one to each of four iachems, .the reft: put to the fword. Four of the females "^were left at the fort, the other four carried to Connefticut, where the Indians challenged them as their prize ; the Englilli not agreeing to it, ihey vv'ere facrificed alio to end the difpute. The policy as well as the morality of this preceeding niay well be queftioncd. The Indians have ever ihewn great barbarity to their Eng- lifli captives — the Englilh in too many inflanccs have re- taliated it. This has only enraged thern the more. Bc- fides, to deftroy women and children for the barbarity of their huibands and parents cannot eafily be juftified.
SaiTacus the lachem, alter the taking of Midick fort and fo many of his warriors being fiain, broke down his own fort, burned all their wigwams, put his goods into canoes, and men, women and children iorfook their country and went away by land to (l^iinnipiack. The forces under Capt. Stoughton arrived at Saybrook the latter end of June. They purfued the Indians, meeting now and then two cv three at a time, whom they killed or took prifon- ers ; at length they were informed of a great body of In- dians in a fwamp,* which they furrounded. They feem to have been of other tribes as well as Pequods. One of the fachems came out with 99 men, women and children, and delivered themfelves up to the Englith. Wampum he faid he had none, nor had he ever killed any Englifh. The garment he had on, which was of black beaver fkin, he prefented. An Indian wa§ fent in to tell the red, that
if
* Mr. Hubbard fays near Fairfield or Stratford.
So THE HISTORY GF [Chap. L
if they would come out and deliver up their arms and clear themfelves frorn having murdered any Englifh, they fliould fare, the better. After a Ihort parley they deter- mined, that as they had lived together they would die to- gether. Tv^elve of the murderers were among them. They were about eighty in ail. The Englifh fired upon them, and having furrounded the fwamp all night, entered in the morning, bi-t found great part had efcaped. Some of the Indians had guns, and (ired upon the Englifli. This is the firft account we have of their making ufe of guns. Safiacus fled to the Mohawks, by whom it wa^ reported he was murdered. It is more probable that he and his company incorporated with them. Many of the captives were fent to Bermudas and fold for flaves. The Pequod tribe was wholly extlnguiihed. The Narragan- fets took charge of fome of them, and promifed to pay the Engiilh for their fervice ; the few that remained never dared own they belonged to that tribe, but miixed with the Narraganfet and other tribes. We have been more particular in relating this a<51:ion, it being the firft betweer; the Englifh and Indians, many circuijiftances not having been publilhed before, and the reft of the Indians being thereby brought to be more afraid of the EngliOi, and rcftrained from open hoftilities near forty years together.
This year, 1637, a number of the puritan minifters in England wrote over to the minifters of New-England, in- forming them of reports that they had embraced new opinions Vv^hich they difliked formerly and which they in England flill judged to be groundlefs and unwarrantable^ viz. " That a ftinted form of prayev and let liturgy is un- *' lawful : That the children cf godly and approved chrii- *' tians are not to be baptized until their parents be fet " members of fome particular congregations : That the *' parents themfelves, though of approved piety, are not to *' be received to the Lord's fupper until they be admitted *' fet members : That the power of excommunication is in *' the body of the church, though the minifter ihould be ^^ of another mind : I'nat upon a minifber's being difmilied, *' though unjuftly, from his particular congregation, he; *' ceafeth to be a miniiler : That one minifter cannot per-
^' forii;
1637] Massachusetts. 81
" form a minifterial acl in any but liis own congregation :• •'That members of one congregation may ndt communi- " cate in another." They add, *' that letters from New- " England had influenced many in Old to' leave their *' alTemblies becaufe of a Hinted liturgy, and to abfent *' themfelves from the Lord's fuppcr becaufe fuch as ought ** to be were not debarred from it." They therefore rc- quefted a feafonable review might be taken of the grounds and rcafons that had fvvayed, and fent over, and if they were found to have weight they would be ready to give the right hand of fellowfliipj if otherwife, they would animadvert upon them fo far as they varied from the truth, &c. The famous puritan John Dod joined in the re- queft.* Mr. Hooker upon the occafion of this letter writes thus to Mr. Shepard : " 1 confefs freely to thee my " fears that the firft and fecond qneftions touching a Hint- " ed form of prayer will prove very hard to make any '** handibme woi-k upon, and I do fadly fufped a trouble- ** fome anfvver mav be returned to all the arp-uments. " This IS to yourfclf, v^'herein 1 crave iilence."
An anfwer was wrote by Mr. Cotton, and a more full anfvver afte wards printed. In fome of the points, I fup- pofe the two laft, the minifters in England were milinform- jcd. In fome of the others, particularly thofe which it was thought moil difficult to anfwer, in a few years after the clergy in England fully concurred v/ith their brethren in New-England.
In June 1637 two large fhips arrived from England with paffengers. Mr. Eaton . and Mr. Hopkins,-}- two London merchants, Mr. Davenport, a minifler of great character for learning and piety, and many others of good.
note
* MS original letters and papers.
.+ Mr. Hopkins had been a Turkey merchant in London, of good credit and cfteein, but oi puritan principles, and for tiic lake of an undiltui bed enjoyment pi the worlhip of God agreeable to thofe principles came lo New- England. He married Mr. Eaton's daughter in law. When Mr. Eaton removed to New- Haven, Mr. Hopkins went to Hartford, the chief town ot Connecticut, and was choien their governor feveral years, at iengtii returned to England and was chofen member of parliament, was warden cf the fleet, a commillioner of the navy and of the admiralty. He had notwithiiandnig tJioughts ef returning to Nev/- pnghnd. having an alfecticn for the country, but death put an end to tnofe thoughts. He died at London in March 16^7. He left a legacy to Harvard College, which was unpaiti until ty 10, wheu « w.^s received b/ virtue of a decree in chancery.
S^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap, i/
note and condition, v/ere of this company. Great pains v/cre taken to perfuade them to flay in the jurifdidion. The court offered them any place they would pitch upon. The town of Newbury oifered to give up their (ettlcment to them. Quinnipiack and the country between that and the Dutch was re|)refented as a very fruitful place, and veil {ituatcd for trade and navigation. They Mattered themifelves, but upon what grounds does not appear, that there they (liould be out of the reach of a general governor, with which the country was from time to time threatened. Thefe were the reafons publicly given for removing there. Befides, the principal men of the new company would be at the head of tlie government there ; here, it was natural to expetfl, the old fcanders vi'ould be confidered as their fuperiors. They laid the foundation of a fiourifliing colony, of which Quinnipiack or New Haven was the chief town. They agi^ed among themfelves upon a m.odel of government in church and fiate, very like to that of Maliiichufetts, and continued a diilintft colony and government until the year 1665,* when ConneClicut and Ncv.'-Haven, having three years before been incorporated bv a charter from King Charles the Second, unitf;d under one governor, f- Tlie people in Maffachufetts foon after
reflccied
* Corr?(3icut ehirter ■was brought over by Mr. Winthrop in 1661, but New- Haven refilled to fubmit to it. At a general meeting: at New-Haven, 4th Nov. i66i» Mr. Davenport being prefent inflfted, 1. Tliat the colony of New-Haven was not within the patent. 2. That it was not lawful to join, and they unani- rioufly concluded to fland to their own conibiaation. Gojfe''. 'Jcwiiul. But in 1661;, upon comniidioners coining over to inquire into the ftate of tlie colonies, the) wifely cliangeJ their rel'olution, and of a colony became a county» and fo have remained ever fmce.
+ The heads of the combination or agreement were thefe, viz. That none iThali be admitted to any office in the government, civil or military, or have a voice ia any eledicn, except he be a member of one of the churches in New- England :
That all the freemen, without fummons, Ihall yearly meet the Ijft fourth d^f in May and vote in the election of governor, deputy governor, magiftratci and ©thcr officers — fuch as cannot attend in perfon may vote by proxy or fend their votes fealed :
Thu there be a general court, confifting of governor, deputy governor and niagillrates, and two deputies for each plantation where there is a church and freemen orderly admitted, every member of the court to have a voice, and all determinations to be by the major vote of the magiftrates and the major vote of the deputies. This court to lit the lall fourth day of May in every year of courfe, and on other ocxaiions to be fummoned by the governor, or in his abfence by the deputy governor, or in the abfence of both by two magiftrates. To de- clare, publifh and eftablifli the laws of God, the fiipreme Icgiflator, and to makq ajjcl repeal oideis for Imalisr matters not particularly determined in fcvipturcv
according
5^37]
MASSAtHUSETTS. S^;;
reflcded upon the favour of Pro\ridence In not gratifying them with the continuance of this company among them.
It
according to the general rules of righteoufnefs. To order all affairs of war and peace, and all matters relative to the delending or fortifying the country. To receive and oetennine all appeals, civil or criminal, from any interior courts, in •whicli they are to proceed according to fcripture light and laws, and orders agree- ing therewith :
That there be a court of nrtagirtrates to meet or be held twice evecy year to determine all weighty caufes civil or criminal, above thofe Innitcil to ])lantation courts, and to receive and try all apireals from plantation courts. lu this court, ■when the voices are equal, the governor, or in his ablence the deputy governor, ftiall have a carting voue :
That there be a court in each plantation in which there niall he one or more magiftrates, the freemen to choofe two, three or four deputies to adill the magii- trate for the trial of civil caufes not exceeding twenty pounds, and criminal the peoftlty not exceeding flocks, whii'ping, or five pounds fine.
Their laws and judi>.ial proceedings varied in very few circumftanccs from the MalVachufetts ; one indeed was a material one, that they had no jury neither in civil nor criminal cafes. All matters of fad, as well as law, were determined by the court.
Mr. Davenport, the miniller who came over witli Mr. Eat.^n, had been a preacher of great note in Colmar-ilreet, London, and tor his n jn-coinpliancc in ecclefiaftical matters abfconded and came over privately. Many of his print. ipal fcearers accoinp&nied him, and lormed a church atN^vv-Haven. Another com- pany came from Kent, Suffbik, and Surry, in England, among whom was Mr. William Leet, thin a young man, after Mr. Eaton's death governor, and attcr the colonics were united fome time governor of Connecticut. Thcfc, with Mr. Whitfield their niiuifier, chofe a place about i 6 miles eaft of >7ew-Haven, lince called Guilford. Another company removed from Hartford, witlx Mv. Peter Trudden for their miniftev, and fettled a little weft from K'e\v-Ha\en, and calkd the place Milford. Brainford on the eaft and Stamford near forty miles weft ol' !Ncw-Haven were both fettled by people who removed from Wcathersfield on account of dilturbarces in the church there. Thefe town^, together with a plantation upon the eaft end of Long-Ifland called Southold, are i^ittd to have been all that were concerned in the combination whicli was firlt formed. The colony chofe their leader Mr. Eaton for their firft governor, and continued him every year until he died, which was 14 years after the foundation. Their chief view was trade ; and to be better accommodated they built on fmall houfe-iots near the fea, and fairer and nioie commodious lioufes than thole in the other colonies. They built vclTcIs tor foreign voyages, and fet up trading-houfes x\i><r\ lands which they p"rchai'ed at Delaware bay for the fake of beaver, but were unfuecefsful, and theii flocks funk very faft, and in five or fix years they were much cxhaufted. Unwilling to give over, they exerted themfehcs, as a lafl: eifort, in building a fhip for the trade to England, in which they put their wiiole Itock of money, plate, and all the proper goods they could procure, to make a more valuble adventure. In her went psflenger, Mr. Grigfon, one of the magif- trates, in order to folicit a patent, and S or 10 more confiderable perfons, who, to ufe Mr. Cotton's expreffion, all went to heaven by water, the lliip never being heard of after her failing- The lofs of this ihip entirely broke them up as trad- ers, and they turned to hufbandry for their fupport. The maimer of their fetile- ment upon fmall lots was inconvenient for hulbandmen, and the loil was not the belt, lb that they v.eie much difcouraged, and feveral projections were made tor their removal in a body. They made further purchafes of large tracts ot land at Delaware bay, but were obftructed and difcouraged by oppoliiion from the Dutch. They had oilers from Ireland, after the wars were over, and were in treaty for the purchafe of lands there for a fmall diflinct province by themfelves ; and when Jamaica was conquered by C)onnvell, propofils were made to them to remove •there in a body : but as the firil generation went ofli and the fecond came on with the attachment natural to the placg of their bijth and education, ihcy became
more
§4 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I.
It appeared that the Dutch were defigning to take polTcf-