PHILO

IN TEN VOLUMES (AND TWO SUPPLEMENTARY VOLUMES)

IX

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY F. H. COLSON, M.A.

LATE FELLOW OF ST. JOHN’S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

MCMLXXXV

American ISBN 0-674-99400-0 British ISBN 0 434 99363 8

First printed 1941 Reprinted 1954, 1960, 1967, 1985

Printed in Great Britain

CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX

PAGE PREFACE . . . . . 2. « ew. 2. Vii

List or Puito’s Works . ....... Xi EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE (QUOD OMNIS PROBUS LIBER SIT) Introduction . . ....... 2

Text and Translation * τῷ te te ac — 20

ON THE CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE OR SUPPLIANTS (DE VITA CONTEMPLA- TIVA)

Introduction . . . . . . . . . 104 Text and Translation . . .. . . 112

ON THE ETERNITY OF THE WORLD (DE AETERNITATE MUNDI)

Introduction . . . .. . . . . 172

Text and Translation i. w vee ὦ te & 184 FLACCUS (IN FLACCUM)

Introduction . . . . . 2. - . « 295

Text and Translation . . .. . . 802

CONTENTS

HYPOTHETICA (APOLOGIA PRO Ὁ- DAEIS)

Introduction ; Text and Translation .

ON PROVIDENCE (DE PROVIDENTIA)

Introduction : Text and Translation— Fragment I .

Fragment II

APPENDICES

I. To Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit II. To De Vita Contemplativa III. To De Aeternitate Mundi IV. To In Flaccum V. To Hypothetica VI. To De Providentia

PAGE

407 414.

447

4.84. 458

509 518 525 531 539 541

PREFACE TO VOLUME IX

Tue six treatises or parts of treatises comprised in this volume are of a very different nature from the eight preceding volumes. In those the all-engrossing sub- ject has been the interpretation of the Pentateuch, illustrated to a small extent from the rest of the Old Testament and largely, throughout the first five which we have called the Commentary, from Greek philo- sophy. In this volume only one part, the fragment of the Hypothetica preserved by Eusebius, takes any serious account of the Pentateuch, and it treats it with a method and in a spirit which has nothing in common with the philosophical allegorizing of the Commentary and bears only a superficial resemblance to the full and orderly classification and the abun- dance of striking thoughts which distinguish the Exposition. Of the other five treatises three are purely philosophical and differ entirely from the other two. One of these is to some extent auto- biographical and deals with contemporary history. It is closely related to the longer Legato which is reserved for the final volume, but stands quite apart from the remaining one, the De Vit. Cont., which describes the life of a particular community, whether we take this, as is generally assumed, to be a typical example of a widespread movement, or, as I should prefer, an isolated and perhaps ephemeral institution

vii

PREFACE

which happened to be well known to Philo and secured his friendship and admiration. Even the three philo- sophical treatises are very heterogeneous. The first deals with that kernel of Stoic ethics, the self-suffi- ciency of the virtuous man, the second with the mystery of the universe, the third with its divine government. The volume as a whole is an ample proof of the versatility of Philo’s mind, but yet to me at least it is far less interesting than the other eight. I expect that this is true also of the great majority of those who throughout the centuries have made a careful study of Philo, and that what I have suggested with regard to the Quod Omn. Prob., that it owes its preservation not so much to its intrinsic merits as to the interest and respect created by Philo’s main work, is true more or less of the other five treatises.

In view of this it is odd to find that there has been more translation into English of the contents of this volume than of all the rest of Philo. In the first five volumes of Cohn-Wendland the German translation by different hands has appeared at intervals, but there has been no rendering into English except of isolated passages between Yonge and this translation. For this volume the German version is no doubt either in preparation or has been completed and possibly published, but I have heard nothing of it.¢ In Eng- lish on the other hand we have Conybeare’s version of the De Vit. Cont., which supplements his great and important commentary, Gifford’s versions of the Hypothetica, and of the De Prov. as well as of 16 sec- tions of the Quod Omn. Prob. contained in the transla-

@ We have, however, Bernays’ earlier version of the De Aeternitate.

Viii

PREFACE

tion which forms part of his monumental edition of the Praeparatio, and Box’s translation of the Flaccus in his recent edition of that treatise. While I have been careful not to look at any of the translations before making my own I have found comparison with them very useful, leading sometimes to correction or at least reconsideration, though I have abstained from borrowing their phraseology even when I prefer it to my own. But I must say something more about Mr. Box’s work. I cannot of course judge the com- parative merits of the two translations, but his his- torical introduction and commentary on historical points is on a scale which I could not attempt to rival, and my much shorter notes even when they embody different conclusions from his are largely founded on them. What a pity that the same pains and research have never been used to produce so complete a com- mentary on the real, the theological and philosophical side of Philo’s work!

It was clearly right to include either in this or the next volume the extracts made by Eusebius from the otherwise unknown Hypothetica. The extracts are so substantial that it is much to be regretted that they were omitted in the Editio Maior of Cohn- Wendland, and their inclusion in the Editio Minor makes only partial amends, as that has no Apparatus Criticus. The other great set of extracts from the De Prov. are in a different position, as the whole treatise survives in the Armenian, and it was a doubtful question whether it should not be rele- gated to a separate volume containing that and also the other treatise only known in the Armenian, the De Animalibus. But at any rate by the course which we have adopted the reader will have ultimately in

1X

PREFACE

his hands all that substantially survives of Philo in the original Greek.

The text of the first three treatises was edited by Cohn himself. Here his work both in the text itself and in the subsequent discussion of points in Hermes, 1916, ended, and the rest of his volume six, #.e. the Flaccus and Legatio, was edited by Reiter. I have as in previous volumes taken their text for my base, but, largely because I felt that I was moving in a less familiar region, I have adhered to it more closely and confined my suggested corrections almost entirely to the footnotes instead of substituting them in the text, even in cases such as that of p. 52 where I feel fairly confident of the correction proposed. In the two Eusebian items I have taken for my base what seemed to be the most authoritative, 2.6. the text of the Editio Minor for the Hypothetica and the latest edition (Gifford’s) for the De Prov., but compared them with other editions and noted the alternatives. These alternatives I have occasionally adopted, and as the notes both at the foot and in the Appendix will show, there are other cases where further reflec- tion makes me think that the alternatives are superior. But at any rate so long as the alternatives are clearly indicated it matters little whether they appear in the notes or in the body of the text.

F. H. Ὁ.

CaMBRIDGE

March 1941

LIST OF PHILO’S WORKS

SHOWING THEIR DIVISION INTO VOLUMES

IN THIS EDITION

VOLUME

I.

IT.

{Π].

VI.

On the Creation (De Opificio Mundi) Allegorical Interpretation (Legum Allegoriae)

On the Cherubim (De Cherubim)

On the Sacrifices of Abel and Cain (De Sacrificiis Abelis et Caini)

The Worse attacks the Better (Quod Deterius Potiori insidiari solet

On the Posterity and Exile of Cain (De Posteritate Caini)

On the Giants (De Gigantibus)

On the Unchangeableness of God (Quod Deus im- mutabilis sit

On Husbandry (De Agricultura)

On Noah’s Work as a Planter (De Plantatione)

On Drunkenness (De Ebrietate)

On Sobriety (De Sobrietate)

. On the Confusion of Tongues (De Confusione Lin-

guarum)

On the Migration of Abraham (De Migratione Abrahami)

Who is the Heir (Quis Rerum Divinarum Heres)

On the Preliminary Studies (De Congressu quaerendae Eruditionis gratia)

. On Flight and Finding (De Fuga et Inventione)

On the Change of Names (De Mutatione Nominum) On Dreams (De Somniis)

On Abraham (De Abrahamo) On Joseph (De Iosepho) Moses (De Vita Mosis)

LIST OF PHILO’S WORKS

VOLUME VII. On the Decalogue (De Decalogo

80) On the Special Laws Books I-III (De Specialibus Legibus)

VIII. On τὴς Special Laws Book ΙΝ (De Specialibus Legi-

us)

On the Virtues (De Virtutibus)

On Rewards and Punishments (De Praemiis et Poenis)

IX. Every Good Man is Free (Quod O.nnis Probus Liber

sit) On the Contemplative Life (De Vita Contemplativa) On the Eternity of the World (De Aeternitate Mundi) Flaccus (In Flaccum) Hypothetica ! (Apologia pro Iudaeis) On Providence! (De ‘Providentias

X. On the Embassy to Gaius (De Legatione ad Gaium)

GENERAL INDEx TO Votumes I-X

SUPPLEMENT

I. Questions and Answers on Genesis? (Quaestiones et Solutiones in Genesin)

II. Questions and Answers on Exodus ? (Quaestiones et

Solutiones in Exodum) Genera Inpex To Suprtements [-1]

1 Only two fragments extant. 8 Extant only in an Armenian version,

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE (QUOD OMNIS PROBUS LIBER SIT)

INTRODUCTION TO QUOD OMNIS PROBUS LIBER SIT

This treatise is usually believed to be a youthful essay of Philo’s and we may well suppose that it belongs to a period of his life when he still had the dialectic of the philosophical schools fresh in mind and before he had settled down to his life’s work of inter- preting the Pentateuch. Its genuineness has been impugned but on no good grounds. It has the testi- mony of Eusebius, who names it in his list of Philo’s works,* and also makes a long extract from it, and it is also used on a considerable scale by St. Ambrose though he does not name the author. But apart from these the close resemblance in style and language, remarkably close, considering the difference of subject to the main body of treatises, leaves little doubt as to the authorship.

The tract is an argument to show the truth of the Stoic “‘ paradox” that the wise man alone is free. The paradoxes are one of the best known features of the Stoic system. The doctrine that all the gifts and qualities generally held desirable belong in the true sense to the virtuous or wise man is a natural deduc- tion from the primary maxim that the morally excellent, τὸ καλόν, is the only good. Though they sometimes assume a fantastic form, as when the Stoics claimed, or were supposed to claim, that only the wise

@ Neel. list. ii. 18. Q

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE

man could be a general or a pilot or a poet or a cobbler, the more obvious ones that he alone is free or rich or noble or beautiful,? are really almost truisms which have been echoed by preachers and moralists in every age. But they put the doctrine in arresting forms which impressed the serious and also gave occasion for banter to those who observed that the life of the philosophers was not always consistent with their principles. Allusions to them and short explanations of their meaning abound in Stoic writ- ings. The list compiled by Arnim (S.V.F.) contains some 120 items. But the peculiarity of this treatise is that it argues out the matter with a fullness and lengthiness unparalleled elsewhere,’ though since the writings of the founders of Stoicism have not survived we cannot say how they may have treated it. At any rate the treatise, whatever its intrinsic merits, has this interest that we have in it a specimen of Stoic dialectic preserved to us almost by accident because it was part of the works of an author whose treat- ment of the Pentateuch appealed so strongly to the Christian mind.

The length and fullness become still more remark-

α Cf. Hor. Sat. i. 3. 128.

ὃ ““The wise man only is free, because he alone uses his own will and controls himself; alone beautiful, because only virtue is beautiful and attractive; alone rich and happy, because goods of the soul are the most valuable, and true riches consist in being independent of wants.’ Zeller, Stoics (Eng. trans.), p. 253.

¢ The most substantial discussions of this particular paradox known to me are Cicero’s Paradowa, ch. v., and Fipictetus’s Diss. iv. 1. Epictetus’s meditation is much the longer of the two, but is too discursive to summarize. It lays more stress than Philo does on obedience to the will of God as the true freedom.

3

PHILO

able when we find that we have here only the second part of a disquisition, for Philo tells us in his opening sentence that it was preceded by “that every fool or bad man is a slave,” which is also mentioned by Eusebius in the catalogue named above. Since man- kind are divided into free and slaves and also, accord- ing to orthodox Stoicism, into wise and fools, then if the wise alone is free it must follow that a fool is a slave, and one cannot but think that the two should be taken together as they are by Cicero. However, it is a fact that the slavery of the bad though frequently just mentioned is never discussed at length in our treatise except in §§ 51 ff., where the argument that the wise enjoy the right of free discussion (ἰση- yopia), which is the mark of the free, is followed by the converse so completely worked out that it can hardly have been given in the earlier half. The slavery of lovesickness is also described at some length in § 38, but it is introduced there so incidentally that one would not be surprised to find it earlier. The main topic presumably was the slavery to the passions which is noted in § 45 and more fully in §§ 156 and 158 f. and is a subject capable of development to any extent. Slightly different to this is the slavery of the multi- tude to opinion, cf. § 21, and he may well have noticed also what Cicero gives as an example, the devotion to artistic objects. The description of a statesman who never cringes to the mob in De Jos. 67 suggests that something about the statesman who is in servitude to the people would be appropriate, and this again appears in Cicero. The thought that slavery in the sense of subjection to the wise is the best hope for the wicked, a moral which he draws from the story of Esau (§ 57) and from Noah’s curse of Canaan in De

4

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE

Sob. 69, may well have played a part. One thing we may be sure of is that examples were drawn from secular history such as the slavish fear of Dionysius or the impious infatuation of Xerxes ὃ to correspond to the examples of philosophical heroism in which this tract abounds.

The great preponderance of secular illustration may be fairly regarded as another sign that this and the twin treatise belong to the youth of Philo. There are altogether only five allusions to or quotations from the Pentateuch. In this the treatise stands in marked contrast to the De Nob, which as I have pointed out elsewhere is really a dissertation on the twin paradox that the wise man is noble but is illustrated entirely from the Pentateuch.

It is a consequence of this predominantly secular character that to judge from Cohn’s footnotes little use of the treatise was made by Christian writers with two marked exceptions. The first is the account of the Essenes in 88 75-91, which is quoted in full by Eusebius, Praep. Ev. viii. 12. Eusebius has special reasons for making this extract. The other is the 87th letter of Ambrose, a large part of which is a kind of paraphrase of the Quod Omnis Probus. I have mentioned in my notes three passages from this which have some bearing on the text or its interpretation, but there are many others cited by Cohn.°

4 Both these. examples from Genesis are quoted by Ambrose xxxvii. 67, with the same moral.

> Cf. De Som. ii. 117 ff.

¢ One that is not noticed by Cohn is to be found in xxxvii. 33, where the “ heavy hands ”’ of Moses in Ex. xvii. 12 are cited as showing that the heart and deeds of the wise man should be steadfast and immovable. Cf. § 29.

In general it is interesting to observe how Ambrose

5

PHILO

The following is an analysis of the treatise.

After stating the subject of this and the preceding treatise Philo points out that such high doctrines are beyond the comprehension of the uneducated multi- tude (1-3) to whom they seem wild illusion (4-5). He gives a highly coloured picture of the way in which the ignorant react to the paradoxes that the wise and the foolish are respectively (a) citizens and exiles (6-7), (6) rich and poor (8-9) and says that they raise the same objection to the paradox of freedom and slavery which is here discussed (10). Such per- sons should like sick people put themselves under the guidance of the physician, that is the philosopher, and if they do so they will feel that they have wasted their past, whence we see the need of philosophical education for the young (11-15).

Coming to the main question, after pointing out that he is not dealing with freedom or slavery of the body (16-18) and declaring that the true freedom, like true sovereignty (though this does not concern us at present), lies in following God (19-20), he passes at once to the main point that the wise man is free from the domination of the passions (21-22). What the poet rightly says of the contempt of death is true of the contempt of other ills, and the wise man will assert

_manages to give a Christian and Biblical touch to the secular matter which he draws from Philo. Thus while noting the quotation from Sophocles, in § 19, he adds that David and Job said the same thing before Sophocles. The thought in §§ 38 ff. that masters, like the purchasers of lions, become slaves of their slaves is supported by Ambrose from Prov. xvii. 2 (Lxx) : ‘* a wise servant rules a foolish master,” and after giving the story of Calanus and his letter (88 93 ff.) almost verbatim, he points out that Calanus’s heroism is surpassed by Laurence and the Three Children and the Maccabean martyrs.

6

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE

his freedom by facing these bravely (22-25). This is supported by citing the resolution shown by pan- cratiasts (26-27) ; also the wise man is unmoved and thus has the leadership of the common herd (28-31). At this point he seems to digress @ in order to show that some common conceptions of slavery are incon- sistent. Such are (a) the fact of service, but soldiers serve without being slaves and the same is true of the impoverished free man, whilst slaves often have con- — trol of others (32-35), (6) the fact of having to obey, but children obey their parents yet are reckoned free (36), (c) of being purchased, but free men are ransomed and purchased slaves often rule their masters just as purchased lions intimidate their owners (37-40). The argument is resumed by show- ing that the wise man is (a) happy (41), (6) like Moses a friend of God and therefore free (42-44), also as law- abiding cities are considered free, so he also obeys the law of reason (45-47). Next comes an intricate argu- ment on the ἰσηγορία or right of discussion on an equal footing enjoyed by the wise (48-50) and not enjoyed by the fool (51-52), and this is supported by a saying of Zeno (53-56) which Philo supposes him to have derived from Moses’s account of Isaac condemning Esau to be the slave of Jacob (57). A final argument is: “‘ the wise man is free because he does right voluntarily, cannot be compelled to do wrong and treats things indifferent with indifference ”’ (58-61). Here till towards the end of the treatise the argu- ment proper is dropped and we have several stories of persons who exemplify the picture of the wise man given above. These are introduced by a discussion whether such persons are to be found. Some doubt

@ See note on § 32.

PHILO

it (62), yet they do exist and have existed though they are scarce and also hard to find because they seek retirement from the wickedness of the world (62-63). We ought to seek them out instead of ran- sacking land and sea for jewels and the like (64-66) and we should remember the text, “‘ the word is very near thee in thy mouth and thy heart and thy hand.”’ _ The thoughts, words and deeds here symbolized will if properly cultivated produce good fruit (67-70), but we neglect this and consequently the rarity of the virtuous (71-72). Still they exist both in Greece itself and outside Greece, among the Persians and Indians (73-74), while in Palestine we have the Essenes (75). The long account of the Essenes which follows describes the innocence of their occupations (76-78), rejection of slave labour (79), devout study of the law, particularly on the Sabbath (80-82), threefold devo- tion to God, virtue and man (83-84), the last par- ticularly shown by sharing house and property and providing for the sick and aged (84-87). Their excel- lence is attested by the respect shown them even by tyrants and oppressors (88-91). Passing on to indivi- duals, we have the story of the Indian Calanus and his firm resistance to Alexander (92-97), and returning to the Greeks some examples from poetry and history, the picture of Heracles in Euripides (98-104) and, leaving demigods out as not fair specimens, Zeno the Eleate and Anaxarchus (105-109). Further, the dauntlessness shown by those who are not philo- sophers assures us that the true philosopher is still more dauntless. Among these are the athletes (110- 113) and even boys and women (114-117), and whole people like the Xanthians (118-120). In these we see a fortitude which ends in their death, but there is

8

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE

also a fortitude in continuing to live, and so we here have a number of anecdotes of Diogenes, somewhat irrelevantly, since Diogenes was a philosopher (120- 124). This leads to other stories of bold answering by Chaereas and Theodorus (125-130) ; after this digres- sion we return to the fortitude which defies death, the example being fighting cocks who fight on till they are killed (131-135). Then there is another digression. That freedom in the ordinary sense is noble and slavery disgraceful is universally recog- nized (136-137) and examples of this feeling are given —the desire for political freedom shown by senates and generals (138-139), the abhorrence of slavery shown by exclusions of slaves from festivals and from the Argo (140-143). The remainder of the treatise is connected though loosely with the main theme. The wise man will scorn and have a ready answer for all attempts which threaten his independence (144-146) for, since actual slaves when in asylum often exhibit great boldness, the wise man will find a stronger asylum in his virtue (148-153) and will discard all crooked and crafty ways (154-155). It is absurd to suppose that manumission gives true liberty (156-157). The concluding sections (158-161) repeat the main doctrine that freedom lies in eliminating the passions and emphasize the need of education of the young to attain this end.

ΠΕΡῚ TOY QUANTA ΣΠΟΥ̓ΔΑΙΟΝ EAEY- ®EPON EINAI

(445) I. Ὁ μὲν πρότερος λόγος ἦν ἡμῖν, ὦ Θεόδοτε,

\ A “- “A περὶ τοῦ δοῦλον εἶναι πάντα φαῦλον, ws καὶ διὰ “A \ 3 4 \ 9 “ 3 4 πολλῶν καὶ εἰκότων καὶ ἀληθῶν ἐπιστωσάμεθα" \ 9 / Va οὑτοσὶ δ᾽ ἐκείνου συγγενής, ὁμοπάτριος καὶ ὁμομή- 3 \ \ , \ , Qn ἃ Tptos ἀδελφὸς καὶ τρόπον τινὰ δίδυμος, καθ᾽ ὃν 2 / Ὁ a ¢ 93 A > 4 \ \ 2 ἐπιδείξομεν, ὅτι πᾶς ὁ ἀστεῖος ἐλεύθερος. τὸν μὲν SS ~ II A ’ e ’ ’ὔ λ ’ ” οὖν τῶν [Πυθαγορείων ἱερώτατον θίασον λόγος ἐχει \ A \ ” A \ -φ9 > ὃ μετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἄλλων καλῶν καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἀναὸι- ’ὔ’ aA A δάσκειν, “rats λεωφόροις μὴ βαδίζειν ὁδοῖς,᾽᾿ οὐχ 4 A 4 ἵνα κρημνοβατῶμεν--οὐ yap ποσὶ κάματον παρ- ᾽ὔἢ λλ 1AA° 3 ’ ὃ A 5A A / ἤγγελλεν---, ἀλλ᾽ αἰνιττόμενος διὰ συμβόλου τὸ μὴτε λόγοις μήτ᾽ ἔργοις δημώδεσι καὶ πεπατημένοις “A Φ A 4 ’ 2 Ul 3 χρῆσθαι. ὅσοι δὲ φιλοσοφίαν γνησίως ἠσπάσαντο, A “A 4 καταπειθεῖς γενόμενοι τῷ προστάγματι νόμον 3 A αλλ δὲ θ A > 4 “A e αὐτὸ μᾶλλον δὲ θεσμὸν ἰσούμενον χρησμῷ ὑὕὑπ- 4 ’ 9 3 ’ e 4 9 ετόπησαν, δόξας δ᾽ ἀγελαίους ὑπερκύψαντες ἄτρα- \ ” > / ” 10 7 , mov ἄλλην ἐκαινοτόμησαν adBarov' ἰδιώταις λόγων

1 mss. ἄλλην.

@ See Introd. p. 4. 10

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE

I. Our former treatise, Theodotus, had for its theme 1 “every bad man is a slave’ and established it by many reasonable and indisputable arguments.* The present treatise is closely akin to that, its full brother, indeed, we may say its twin, and in it we shall show that every man of worth is free.2 Now we are told 2 that the saintly company of the Pythagoreans teaches among other excellent doctrines this also, ‘‘ walk not on the highways.”® This does not mean that we should climb steep hills—the school was not prescrib- ing foot-weariness—but it indicates by this figure that in our words and deeds we should not follow popular and beaten tracks. All genuine votaries of 3 philosophy have obeyed the injunction, divining in it a law, or rather super-law,? equivalent to an oracle. Rising above the opinions of the common herd they have opened up a new pathway, in which the outside world can never tread, for studying and discerning

ὑ On this and the Stoic ‘* paradoxes’? in general see Introd. pp. 2 ff.

¢ See Diog. Laert. viii. 17, where this occurs in a list of allegorical watchwords or precepts (σύμβολα) put forth by Pythagoras, others being “‘ Don’t stir a fire with a knife,” ‘** Don’t eat your heart,”’ and ‘‘ Don’t keep birds with crooked claws.” Diogenes Laertius explains a few of them. On the exact form of the one quoted here see App. p. 509.

@ See App. p. 509.

11

4 [446]

5

PHILO

καὶ δογμάτων, ἰδέας ἀνατείλαντες ὧν οὐδενὶ μὴ καθαρῷ θέμις ψαύειν. λέγω δὲ μὴ καθαρούς, ὅσοι ἢ παιδείας εἰς, ἅπαν ἄγευστοι. | δι- ετέλεσαν 7 πλαγίως ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐπ᾽ εὐθείας αὐτὴν ἐδέξαντο κάλλος τὸ σοφίας εἰς τὸ σοφιστείας αἶσχος “μεταχαράξαντες. οὗτοι τὸ νοητὸν φῶς ἰδεῖν οὐ δυνάμενοι δι’ ἀσθένειαν τοῦ κατὰ ψυχὴν ὄμματος, ὃ ταῖς μαρμαρυγαῖς πέφυκεν ἐπισκιάζε- σθαι, καθάπερ ἐν νυκτὶ διάγοντες ἀπιστοῦσι τοῖς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ζῶσι καὶ ὅσ᾽ ἂν αὐγαῖς ἀκράτοις τῶν ἡλιακῶν ἀκτίνων' εἰλικρινέστατα περιαθρήσαντες διηγῶνται τεράστια νομίζουσι φάσμασιν ἐοικότα, τῶν ἐν τοῖς θαύμασιν οὐ διαφέροντα. πῶς γὰρ οὐκ ἐκτόπια καὶ θαύματ᾽ ὄντως, φυγάδας μὲν καλεῖν τοὺς μὴ μόνον ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει διατρί- βοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ ουλεύοντας καὶ δικάζοντας καὶ ἐκκλησιάζοντας, ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε καὶ ἀγορανομίας καὶ γυμνασιαρχίας καὶ τὰς ἄλλας λειτουργίας ὑπο- : The text here is uncertain. All mss. except M have κρατούντων ΟΥ ἐπικρατούντων after ἀκτίνων. But ἀκτίς is always feminine. Cohn follows M in the main, but does not

give any satisfactory account of the presence of κρατούντων in the others. ,

ὁ ἰδέα here in the Platonic sense equivalent to νοητὸν φῶς below.

> This section is clearly a reminiscence of the opening of Plato, Rep. vii. 514 ff. where mankind are compared to prisoners chained in a cave with their backs to a fire and unable to see more than the shadows cast by the passers-by, who even if released will be so dazzled by the daylight that they will still believe that the shadows are the reality.

¢ So Plato 515 ὁ διὰ τὰς μαρμαρυγὰς ἀδυνατοῖ καθορᾶν ἐκεῖνα ὧν τότε τὰς σκιὰς ἑώρα.

¢ Philo is perhaps thinking of ibid. 514 Β ὥσπερ τοῖς 12

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 3-6

truths, and have brought to light the ideal forms @ which none of the unclean may touch. By unclean I mean all those who without ever tasting 4 education at all, or else having received it in a crooked and distorted form, have changed the stamp of wisdom’s beauty into the ugliness of sophistry. These,® unable to discern the conceptual light through 5 the weakness of the soul’s eye, which cannot but be beclouded by the flashing rays,° as dwellers in per- petual night disbelieve those who live in the daylight, and think that all their tales of what they have seen around them, shown clearly by the unalloyed radiance of the sunbeams, are wild phantom-like inventions no better than the illusions of the puppet show.4 “ Surely it is an absurdity,” they think,? 6 “a mere showman’s trick, to apply names in this way, to give the name of exile to men who not only spend their days in the heart of the city, but also sit as councillors, jurymen, and members of assembly, and sometimes undertake the burden of administering the market, or managing the gymnasium and the

θαυματοποιοῖς πρὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρόκειται τὰ παραφράγματα, ὑπὲρ ὧν τὰ θαύματα δεικνύασιν. But see App. p. 509.

ὁ While the sense requires beyond all question that the next four sections represent the views of the unphilosophical common man and in particular explain the word θαύματα (“‘ puppet show ”’ or “‘ conjurer’s trick ’’) as applied just above to the paradoxes of the philosophers, it seems strange to find no word to indicate this. And anyone who reads the trans- lations of Yonge or Mangey, where no such word is inserted, naturally starts off by taking these sections to be Philo’s opinion, until he realizes that they will make hopeless nonsense. It is possible that φασί or some such word has fallen out, but not necessary. A somewhat similar air of approbation in stating opinions which are finally condemned may be found in Spec. Leg. i. 335-338.

13

PHILO

7 μένοντας, πολίτας δὲ τοὺς ἢ μὴ ἐγγραφέντας τὸ παράπαν ἢ ὧν ἀτιμία καὶ φυγὴ κατέγνωσται, πέραν ὅρων ἀνθρώπους ἐληλαμένους, οὐ μόνον οὐκ ἐπι- βῆναι τῆς χώρας ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἐξ ἀπόπτου τὸ πατρῷον ἔδαφος θεάσασθαι δυναμένους, εἰ μή τισι Ἰ]οιναῖς ἐλαύνοιντο θανατῶντες; ἔφεδροι γὰρ καταστειχόν- των κολασταὶ μυρίοι, καὶ δι᾿ ἑαυτῶν ἠκονημένοι καὶ νόμων προστάζξεσιν ὑπηρετοῦντες.

8Π. πῶς δὲ οὐ παράλογα καὶ γέμοντα πολλῆς ἀν- αἰσχυντίας ἢ μανίας ἢ οὐκ ἔχω τί “λέγω--διὰ γὰρ ὑπερβολὴν οὐδ᾽ οἰκείων ὀνομάτων εὐπορῆσαι ῥάδιον --πλουσίους μὲν ὀνομάζειν τοὺς ἀπορωτάτους καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐνδεεῖς, λυπρῶς καὶ ἀθλίως ἀπο- ζῶντας, μόλις τὸ ἐφήμερον ἐκπορίζοντας, ἐν εὐ- θηνίᾳ κοινῇ λιμὸν ἐξαίρετον ἔχοντας, ἀρετῆς αὔρᾳ, καθάπερ ἀέρι φασὶ τοὺς τέττιγας, τρεφομένους,

9 πένητας δὲ τοὺς ἀργύρῳ καὶ χρυσῷ καὶ πλήθει κτημάτων καὶ προσόδων καὶ ἄλλων ἀμυθήτων ἀγα- θῶν ἀφθονίᾳ περιρρεομένους, ὧν ὁ πλοῦτος οὐ συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους αὐτὸ μόνον ὦνησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς οἰκίας ἔξω προελθὼν μεγάλους ὁμίλους δη- μοτῶν καὶ φυλετῶν, διαβὰς δ᾽ ἔτι μεῖζον καὶ πόλει χορηγεῖ τὰ πάντα, ὧν εἰρήνη χρεῖος ἢ πόλεμος;

« The paradox of good man citizen v. bad man exile does not seem to be quoted so often as some of the others, and the only examples cited by Arnim are from Philo himself, e.g. Leg. All. iii. 1. But cf. Cicero, Acad. Pri. ii. 186 Sapientem . .. solum civem ... insipientes omnes _ peregrinos, exsules.

> Lit. “I know not.” This use of the 1st person sing. in a statement of other people’s opinions seems strange, but is paralleled in De Aet. 119, and Flacc. 50.

14

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 7-10

other public services: to call those citizens* who have 7

either never been placed on the burgess rolls or have been condemned to disfranchisement or banishment, men chased beyond the frontiers, unable not only to set foot in the country but even to get a distant view of their ancestral soil, unless hounded thither by some kind of avenging furies they come courting death. For when they return there are numberless ministers of punishment waiting for them, spurred to vengeance by their personal feelings and also ready to do service

to the commands of the law.”’ II. “Surely 8

your other statements too,” they continue, “are con- trary to reason, brimful of shameless effrontery and madness or one knows not ® what to call them, for even names are difficult to find appropriate to such extra- vagance. You call those rich¢ who are utterly desti- tute, lacking the very necessaries, who drag on their sorry, miserable life, scarcely providing their daily subsistence, starving exceptions to the general pros- perity, feeding on the empty breath of virtue as

grasshoppers are said to feed on air.? You call those 9

poor who are lapped round by silver and gold and a multitude of landed possessions and revenues and numberless other good things in unstinted abundance, whose wealth not only benefits their kinsfolk and friends but steps outside the household to do the same to multitudes of fellow tribesmen and wardsmen, and taking a still wider sweep endows the state with all that either peace or war demands. It is part of the

¢ The paradox good man rich υ. bad man poor is very common, see examples in S.V.F’. iii. 589-603. Philo’s con- stant insistence on the contrast between blind wealth and seeing wealth is substantially the same.

@ See on De Vit. Cont. 35.

15

10

PHILO

10 ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς ὀνειρώξεως τοῖς μὲν ἀμφιθαλέσι

11 [447]

\ ~ Wt 9 ’ ea 9 A l4 > A καὶ τῷ ὄντι εὐπατρίδαις, ὧν οὐ γονεῖς μόνον ἀλλὰ A ~ A Kal πάπποι Kal πρόγονοι μέχρι τῶν ἀρχηγετῶν Kat πρὸς ἀνδρῶν καὶ πρὸς γυναικῶν ἐπιφανέστατοι > aA γεγόνασι, δουλείαν ἐτόλμησαν ἐπιφημίσαι, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐκ τριγονίας στιγματίαις, πεδότριψι καὶ παλαιο- δούλοις, ἐλευθερίαν. ” A \ A e 3 ’ > θ ’ ἔστι δὲ | τὰ τοιαῦτα, ὡς ἔφην, πρόφασις ἀνθρώ- πων, ot διάνοιαν μὲν ἠμαύρωνται, δοῦλοι δ᾽ εἰσὶ δόξης ἐπανέχοντες αἰσθήσεσιν, ὧν τὸ συνέδριον ὑπὸ

12 τῶν κρινομένων ἀεὶ δεκαζόμενον' ἀβέβαιον. χρῆν

18

A 9 ’ ” 4 ὃν ἢ > 7 A aA δὲ αὐτούς, εἴπερ ὅλως ἐζήλουν ἀλήθειαν, μὴ τῶν 4 > A A A : τὰ σώματα καμνόντων ἐν τῷ φρονεῖν ἐλαττοῦσθαι: aA A \ e \ 3 ’ > A ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιτρέπουσιν ἰατροῖς ὑγείας 3 4 A 9 Ὁ 4 A > ὀρεγόμενοι, κατοκνοῦσι δ᾽ οὗτοι νόσον ψυχῆς, ἀπαι- ’ 3 ’ ’ “A “- δευσίαν, ἀπώσασθαι, γενόμενοι σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν ὁμι- ’ 9. 4 ” > A > ’ ληταί, παρ᾽ ὧν οὐ μόνον ἔστιν ἀπομαθεῖν ἀμαθίαν, > \ \ \ 0 > , A A 3 ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἴδιον ἀνθρώπου κτῆμα προσλαβεῖν, ἐπι- 7 > A A \ A e 4 στήμην. ἐπειδὴ δὲ κατὰ τὸν ἱερώτατον" IAdtTwva 66 θ ’ ” θ ’ : a & 22 θ 4 ὃ \ φθόνος ἔξω θείου χοροῦ toratar,’ θειότατον δὲ Ul Kal κοινωνικώτατον σοφία, συγκλείει μὲν οὐδέποτε τὸ ἑαυτῆς φροντιστήριον, ἀναπεπταμένη δὲ ἀεὶ \ A 4 δέχεται τοὺς ποτίμων διψῶντας λόγων, οἷς ἀκράτου ’ 9 “- A 4 \ διδασκαλίας ἄφθονον ἐπαντλοῦσα νᾶμα μεθύειν τὴν

1 uss. δικαζόμενον.

2 So M. The others λιγυρώτατον (‘most musical” or ‘clear-voiced’’), I feel considerable doubt as to whether Μ. is right. The quotation which follows as well as the phrase ποτίμων λόγων comes from the myth in the Phaedrus which Socrates introduces with an appeal to the Muses as λίγειαι

(237 a), and λιγυρός has been used earlier, 230 c, in describ- ing the scene of the dialogue.

16

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 10-13

same fantastic dream when you dare to ascribe slavery to the highly connected,? the indisputably nobly born, who have not only parents but grand- parents and ancestors right down to the founders of the family greatly distinguished both in the male and the female line: freedom to those who are heirs in the third generation to the branding iron, the fetter, and immemorial thraldom.”’

So they think, but all this is as I have said, the shallow talk of men with minds bedimmed, slaves to opinion, basing themselves on the senses, whose un- stable council is always open to bribes from its suitors. If they whole-heartedly sought for truth, they ought not to let themselves be outdone in prudence by the sick in body. They in their desire for health commit themselves to physicians, but these people show no

11

12

willingness to cast off the soul-sickness of their un-—

trained grossness by resorting to wise men from whom they can not only unlearn their ignorance but gain that knowledge which is mankind’s peculiar property. But since we have it on the sacred author- ity of Plato that envy has no place in the divine choir,®2 and wisdom is most divine and most free- handed, she never closes her school of thought but always opens her doors to those who thirst for the sweet water of discourse, and pouring on them an unstinted stream of undiluted doctrine, persuades them to be drunken with the drunkenness which is

* See App. p. 510.

> Phaedrus 247 a. Quoted also with βαίνει for ἵσταται Spec. Leg. ii. 249, and with many echoes elsewhere. See note on De Fuga 62 (vol. v. pp. 583 f.).

¢ Cf. Phaedrus 243 Ὁ ἐπιθυμῶ ποτίμῳ λόγῳ οἷον ἁλμυρὰν ἀκοὴν ἀποκλύσασθαι. *The phrase has been used several times by Philo.

VOL. IX C 17

PHILO

4 > > A 14 νηφάλιον ἀναπείθει μέθην. οἱ δὲ ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς A e ~ τελεταῖς ἱεροφαντηθέντες, ὅταν ὀργίων γεμισθῶσι, πολλὰ τῆς πρόσθεν ὀλιγωρίας ἑαυτοὺς κακίζουσιν, e 9 4 l4 ’ A ’ 9 ’ ὡς οὐ φεισάμενοι χρόνου, βίον δὲ τρίψαντες ἀβίω- 1ὅ τον, ἐν ᾧ φρονήσεως ἐχήρευσαν. ἄξιον οὖν νεό- A A A A THTA τὴν πανταχοῦ πᾶσαν τὰς ἀπαρχὰς THs πρώτης 9 “A ὃ A A “A 4 > A 12 \ ἀκμῆς μηδενὶ μᾶλλον 7 παιδείᾳ avabeivar,’ 4 Kal ἐνηβῆσαι καὶ ἐγγηράσαι καλόν: ὥσπερ γάρ, φασί, τὰ καινὰ τῶν ἀγγείων ἀναφέρει τὰς τῶν πρώτων εἰς αὐτὰ ἐγχυθέντων ὀσμάς, οὕτως καὶ αἱ τῶν νέων A A A aA ψυχαὶ τοὺς πρώτους τῶν φαντασιῶν τύπους ἀν- εξαλείπτους ἐναποματτόμεναι, τῇ φορᾷ τῶν αὖθις 3 “A ἐπεισρεόντων ἥκιστα κατακλυζόμεναι, TO ἀρχαῖον διαφαίνουσιν εἶδος. 16 ΠῚ. “Adus μὲν δὴ τούτων. ἀκριβωτέον δὲ τὸ 4 “A ~ 4 ζητούμενον, ἵνα μὴ TH τῶν ὀνομάτων ἀσαφείᾳ παραγόμενοι πλαζώμεθα, καταλαβόντες δὲ περὶ οὗ ὁ λόγος τὰς ἀποδείξεις εὐσκόπως ἐφαρμόττωμεν. ὃ λ ’ ’ e A A e de 4 A 4 17 δουλεία τοίνυν ἡ μὲν ψυχῶν, ἡ δὲ σωμάτων λέγεται. δεσπόται δὲ τῶν μὲν σωμάτων ἄνθρωποι, ψυχῶν A 4 A 4 \ > A A ‘ 9 4 δὲ κακίαι καὶ πάθη. κατὰ ταὐτὰ δὲ Kal ἐλευθερία" ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἄδειαν σωμάτων an’ ἀνθρώπων δυνατω- [μ48] τέρων, ἡ δὲ διανοίας ἐκεχειρίαν ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν παθῶν 13 δυναστείας | ἐργάζεται. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρότερον οὐδὲ εἷς ζητεῖ: μυρίαι yap ai ἀνθρώπων τύχαι, καὶ A Ul A 9 ᾽ “- 4 πολλοὶ πολλάκις καιροῖς ἀβουλήτοις τῶν σφόδρα

1 On the hiatus παιδείᾳ ἀναθεῖναι see App. p. 510.

a See App. p. 511. ὑ The meaning presumably is that ἐλευθερία in the literal sense cannot be the subject of a philosophical ζήτημα because

18

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 14-18

soberness itself. Then when like initiates in the mysteries they have taken their fill of the revelations, they reproach themselves greatly for their former neglect and feel that they have wasted their time and that their life while they lacked wisdom was not worth the living. It is well then that the young, all of them and everywhere, should dedicate the first fruits of the flower of their prime above all else to culture, wherein it is good for both youth and old age to dwell. For just as new vessels are said to retain the scents of the substances first poured into them, so, too, the souls of the young take indelible impres- sions of the ideas first presented to them and do not have them washed away by the stream of the later influx, and so they preserve the original form for all to see.

III. So much for these matters. Let us proceed to the subject of our discourse and give it careful consideration, that we may not go astray, misled by the vagueness in the terms employed, but apprehend what we are talking about, adjust our arguments to

14

15

16

it, and so prove our point. Slavery then is applied 17

in one sense to bodies, in another to souls ; bodies have men for their masters, souls their vices and passions. The same is true of freedom ; one freedom produces security of the body from men of superior strength, the other sets the mind at liberty from the

domination of the passions. No one makes the first 18

kind the subject of investigation. For the vicissi- tudes of men are numberless and in many instances and at many times persons of the highest virtue have through adverse blows of fortune lost the

no moral issues are involved. It is an accident which does not tell us anything about character or conduct. 19

19

20

21

PHILO

ἀστείων τὴν ἐκ γένους ἀπέβαλον ἐλευθερίαν" ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἡ σκέψις περὶ τρόπων, οὗς οὔτ᾽ ἐπιθυμίαι οὔτε φόβοι οὔθ᾽ ἡδοναὶ οὔτε λῦπαι κατέζευξαν, ὥσπερ ἐξ εἱρκτῆς προεληλυθότων καὶ δεσμῶν οἷς ἐπεσφίγγοντο διαφειμένων. ἀνελόντες οὖν ἐκπο- δὼν τὰς προφασιστικὰς εὑρεσιλογίας καὶ τὰ φύ- σεως μὲν ἀλλότρια δόξης δ᾽ ἠρτημένα ὀνόματα οἰκοτρίβων ἣ ἀργυρωνήτων ἢ αἰχμαλώτων τὸν ἀψευδῶς ἐλεύθερον ἄνα ητῶμεν, ᾧ μόνῳ τὸ αὐτο- κρατὲς πρόσεστι, κἂν μυρίοι γράφωσι δεσπότας ἑαυτούς. ἀναφθέγξεται γὰρ ἐκεῖνο τὸ Σοφόκλειον οὐδὲν τῶν πυθοχρήστων διαφέρον'

“θεὸς, ἐμὸς ἄρχων, θνητὸς δ᾽ ovdeis.”’

τῷ γὰρ ὄντι μόνος ἐλεύθερος 6 μόνῳ θεῷ χρώμενος ἡγεμόνι, κατ᾽ ἐμὴν δὲ διάνοιαν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἡγεμών, ἐπιτετραμμένος τὰ περίγεια, οἷα μεγάλου βασιλέως, θνητὸς ἀθανάτου, διάδοχος. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν περὶ ἀρχῆς τοῦ σοφοῦ λόγος εἰς καιρὸν ἐπιτηδειό- τερον ὑπερκείσθω, τὸν δὲ περὶ ἐλευθερίας τὰ νῦν ἀκριβωτέον. εἰ δή τις εἴσω προελθὼν τῶν πραγ- 4 > 4 4 4 A Ψ μάτων ἐθελήσειε διακύψαι, γνώσεται σαφῶς, ὅτι 9 \ ” 3 Ἁ 4 e 9 ’ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἄλλῳ συγγενὲς οὕτως, ὡς αὐτοπραγία 9 ’ 4 \ Ἁ “A 4 A 3 ’ ἐλευθερίᾳ, διότι πολλὰ μὲν τῷ φαύλῳ τὰ ἐμποδών, φιλαργυρία, φιλοδοξία, φιληδονία, τῷ δ᾽ ἀστείῳ

τὸ παράπαν οὐδέν, ἐπανισταμένῳ καὶ ἐπιβεβηκότι

1 Perhaps read Ζεὺς, see note a.

α This line is quoted in Arist. ἐδ. Eud. 1242 a 37 with Ζεύς for θεός, as the anapaestic metre requires, and is para- phrased by Ambrose “ Jupiter mihi praeest, nullus autem hominum.” As Ambrose is not likely to have known the

20

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 18-21

freedom to which they were born. Our inquiry is concerned with characters which have never fallen under the yoke of desire, or fear, or pleasure, or grief; characters which have as it were escaped from prison and thrown off the chains which bound them so tightly. Casting aside, therefore, specious quibblings and the terms which have no basis in nature but depend upon convention, such as “ home- bred,” “‘ purchased ” or “ captured in war,’’ let us examine the veritable free man, who alone possesses independence, even though a host of people claim to be his masters. Let us hear the voice of Sophocles in words which are as true as any Delphic oracle

God and no mortal is my Sovereign.

For in very truth he who has God alone for his leader, he alone is free, though to my thinking he is also the leader of all others, having received the charge of earthly things from the great, the immortal King, whom he, the mortal, serves as viceroy. But the subject of the wise man’s sovereignty ὃ must be post- poned to a more suitable occasion and we have now to examine his freedom carefully. If one looks with a penetrating eye into the facts, he will clearly per- ceive that no two[things are so closely akin as in- dependence of action and freedom, because the bad man has a multitude of incumbrances, such as love of money or reputation and pleasure, while the good man has none at all. He stands defiant and trium-

line from any other source, there is certainly some reason to suppose that he found Ζεὺς in his text of Philo.

» Cf. Diog. Laert. vii. 122 οὐ μόνον δὲ ἐλευθέρους εἶναι τοὺς σοφοὺς ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλέας. This is probably the most common of the paradoxes, and is given by Philo several times, é.g. De Mut. 152 (vol. v. p. 591), where see note.

21

21

PHILO

4 9 3 9 “--, A A καθάπερ ἐν ἄθλων ἀγῶνι τοῖς καταπαλαισθεῖσιν, 3 l4 / 4 A e l4 ἔρωτι, φόβῳ, δειλίᾳ, λύπῃ, τοῖς ὁμοιοτρόποις. 22 ἔμαθε γὰρ ἀλογεῖν ἐπιταγμάτων, ὅσα οἱ ψυχῆς παρανομώτατοι ἄρχοντες ἐπιτάττουσι, διὰ ζῆλον καὶ πόθον ἐλευθερίας, ἧς τὸ αὐτοκέλευστον καὶ ἐθελουργὸν κλῆρος ἴδιος. ἐπαινεῖται παρά τισιν ὁ τὸ τρίμετρον ἐκεῖνο ποιήσας

“τίς δ᾽ ἐστὶ δοῦλος τοῦ θανεῖν ἄφροντις ὦν;᾽᾽

ς 4 \ \ > 4 e 4 4 4 ws μάλα συνιδὼν τὸ ἀκόλουθον: ὑπέλαβε γάρ, ὅτι 80." Φ “-- 4 4 e \ οὐδὲν οὕτως δουλοῦσθαι πέφυκε διάνοιαν, ws TO , A \ ~ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ δέος, ἕνεκα τοῦ πρὸς τὸ ζῆν ἱμέρου. 23 IV. χρῆν δὲ λογίσασθαι, ὅτι οὐχ ὁ τοῦ . χρῆν δὲ λογίσασθαι, ὅτι οὐχ ὃ τοῦ A 4 3 “A 9 4 9 LY \ e θανεῖν μόνον adpovtis ὧν ἀδούλωτος, ἀλλὰ Kal 6 “-Ο aA 9 aA ~ τοῦ πένεσθαι καὶ ἀδοξεῖν καὶ ἀλγεῖν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ’ὔ “A

[449] ὅσα οἱ πολλοὶ κακὰ νομίζουσι, κακοὶ τῶν | πραγ- μάτων ὄντες αὐτοὶ κριταί, οἵτινες ἐκ τῶν χρειῶν δοκιμάζουσι τὸν δοῦλον εἰς τὰς ὑπηρεσίας ἀφ- 24 ορῶντες, δέον εἰς τὸ ἀδούλωτον ἦθος. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ ταπεινοῦ καὶ δουλοπρεποῦς φρονήματος ταπει- νοῖς καὶ δουλοπρεπέσι παρὰ γνώμην ἐγχειρῶν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δοῦλος ὁ ὄντως" ὁ δὲ πρὸς τὸν παρόντα και- ρὸν ἁρμοζόμενος τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ ἑκουσίως ἅμα καὶ τλητικῶς ἐγκαρτερῶν τοῖς ἀπὸ τύχης καὶ μηδὲν και-

A “-Ἠ > ’ὔ > ’ 9 > 9 Ἁ νὸν τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων εἶναι νομίζων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξητακὼς ἐπιμελῶς, ὅτι τὰ μὲν θεῖα αἰωνίῳ τάξει καὶ εὐδαι- μονίᾳ τετίμηται, τὰ δὲ θνητὰ πάντα σάλῳ καὶ κλύδωνι πραγμάτων διαφερόμενα πρὸς ἀνίσους ῥοπὰς ταλαντεύει, καὶ γενναίως ὑπομένων τὰ συμ-

@ Quoted also by Plut. De Poet. Aud. 13 as from Euripides. Plutarch makes the same point as Philo, that it applies to other seeming evils besides death.

22

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 21-24

phant over love, fear, cowardice, grief and all that sort, as the victor over the fallen in the wrestling bout. For he has learnt to set at nought the injunc- 22 tions laid upon him by those most lawless rulers of the soul, inspired as he is by his ardent yearning for the freedom whose peculiar heritage it is that it obeys no orders and works no will but its own. Some people praise the author of the line

What slave is there who takes no thought of death ? ¢

and think that he well understood the thought that it involves. For he meant that nothing is so calculated to enslave the mind as fearing death through desire to live. IV. But we must reflect that 23 exemption from slavery belongs to him who takes no thought not only of death but also of poverty, dis- repute and pain and all the other things which the mass of men count as evil, though the evil lies in themselves and in their judgement, which makes them test the slave by the tasks he performs and fix their eyes on the services he renders instead of on his unenslaved character. For he who with a 24 mean and slavish spirit puts his hand to mean and slavish actions contrary to his own proper judgement is a slave indeed. But he who adjusts himself and his to fit the present occasion and willingly and also patiently endures the blows of fortune, who holds that there is nothing new in human circumstances, who hgs by diligent thought convinced himself that, while what is God’s has the honour of possessing eternal order and happiness, all mortal things are carried about in the tossing surge of circumstance and sway unevenly on the balance, who nobly endures whatever befalls him—he indeed needs no more to

23

PHILO

25 πίπτοντα φιλόσοφος εὐθύς ἐ ἐστι καὶ i ἐλεύθερος. ὅθεν οὐδὲ παντὶ τῷ" προστάττοντι. ὑπακούσεται, Kav αἷ- κίας καὶ βασάνους καί τινας φοβερωτάτας ἀπειλὰς ἐπανατείνηται, νεανιευσάμενος δὲ ἀντικηρύξει:"

ἐν 4 θ ’ 3 λ ’ θ ’ omTa, καταιθε σάρκας, ἐμπλὴσθητι μου

’ \ 4 A 4 πίνων κελαινὸν αἷμα. πρόσθε γὰρ κάτω γῆς εἶσιν ἄστρα, γῆ δ᾽ ἄνεισ᾽ ἐς οὐρανόν,

᾽ πρὶν ἐξ ἐ ἐμ σοι θῶπ᾽ ἀπαντῆσαι λόγον.

26 V. ἤδη ποτ᾽ εἶδον ἐν ἀγῶνι παγκρα- τιαστῶν τὸν μὲν ἐπιφέροντα τὰς πληγὰς καὶ χερσὶ καὶ ποσὶ καὶ πάσας εὐσκόπως καὶ μηδὲν παρα- λελοιπότα τῶν εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἀπειρηκότα καὶ παρ- ειμένον καὶ πέρας ἀστεφάνωτον ἐξελθόντα τοῦ σταδίου, τὸν δὲ τυπτόμενον, ὑπὸ πυκνότητος σαρκῶν πεπιλημένον, στρυφνόν, ναστόν, ὄντως γέμοντα πνεύματος ἀθλητικοῦ, δι᾽ ὅλων νενευρω- μένον, οἷα πέτραν ἢ σίδηρον, οὐδὲν μὲν πρὸς τὰς πληγὰς ἐνδόντα, τὴν δὲ τοῦ ἀντιπάλου δύναμιν τῷ καρτερικῷ καὶ παγίῳ τῆς ὑπομονῆς καθῃρηκότα

27 μέχρι παντελοῦς νίκης. ὅμοιον δή τι τούτῳ πε- πονθέναι μοι δοκεῖ ὁ ἀστεῖος: τὴν γὰρ ψυχὴν εὖ μάλα κραταιωθεὶς ἰσχυρογνώμονι λογισμῷ θᾶττον ἀναγκάζει τὸν βιαζόμενον ἀπειπεῖν ἢ ὑπομένει τι

1 Perhaps read παντί tw, ἃ common phrase in Philo, or

παντὰ τῷ. The stress seems to be on resistance to improper orders, rather than to the person who makes them.

@ See on 8 99.

> Or “elasticity ’’—or perhaps “ with the well-knit frame of the true athlete.”” That is to say I conceive the word to be used in the semi-physical Stoic sense of the force or current

24

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 25-27

make him a philosopher and a free man. And, there- 25 fore, he will not obey just anyone who gives him orders, even though he menaces him with outrage and tortures and threats however dreadful, but will

openly and boldly defy him thus :

Roast and. consume my flesh, and drink thy fill

Of my dark blood ; for sooner shall the stars

Go ‘neath the earth and earth go up to heaven Than thou shalt from my lips meet fawning word.?

V. I have observed in a contest of pancratiasts how 26 one of the combatants will strike blow after blow both with hands and feet, every one of them well aimed, and leave nothing undone that might secure his victory, and yet he will finally quit the arena without a crown in a state of exhaustion and collapse, while the object of his attack, a mass of closely packed flesh, rigid and solid, full of the wiriness ὃ οὗ the true athlete, his sinews taut from end to end, firm as a piece of rock or iron, will yield not a whit to the blows, but by his stark and stubborn endurance will break down utterly the strength of his adversary and end by winning a complete victory. Much the same 27 as it seems to me is the case of the virtuous man ; his soul strongly fortified with a resolution firmly founded on reason, he compels the employer of violence to give up in exhaustion, sooner than himself

which holds bodies together and is otherwise known as ἕξις. Thus “‘ walking ᾽ is said by Seneca to be a “‘ spiritus a prin- cipali usque ad pedes permissus”’ (Arnold, Roman Stoicism, pp. 89, 250). See on ἕξεως πνευματικῆς (De Aet. 86). It can hardly here mean “‘ athletic spirit ’ in the sense that we use the phrase, nor yet the “ good wind ”’ of the athlete, though Leisegang perhaps took it so, when he couples this passage with Leg. All. iii. 14 ἀθλητοῦ τρόπον διαπνέοντος Kai συλλεγομένου τὸ πνεῦμα.

25

PHILO

δρᾶσαι τῶν παρὰ γνώμην. ἀλλ᾽ ἄπιστον ἴσως Tots μὴ πεπονθόσιν ἀρετὴν' τὸ λεγόμενονϑ"---καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνο τοῖς τοὺς παγκρατιαστὰς οὐκ εἰδόσι----, γέγονε

28 δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐπ᾿ ἀληθείας. εἰς ταῦτα δ᾽ ἀπιδὼν ᾿Αντισθένης δυσβάστακτον εἶπεν εἶναι τὸν ἀστεῖον" ὡς γὰρ ἡ ἀφροσύνη κοῦφον καὶ , φερόμενον, (οὕτως )"

ἡ φρόνησις ἐπηρεισμένον καὶ ἀκλινὲς καὶ βάρος 29 ἔχον ἀσάλευτον. ὁ δὲ δὴ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων νομοθέτης [460] τὰς τοῦ σοφοῦ χεῖρας | βαρείας εἰσάγει, διὰ συμ- όλων τὰς πράξεις αἰνιττόμενος οὐκ ἐπιπολαίως ἀλλὰ παγίως ἐρηρεισμένας ἀπὸ διανοίας ἀρρεποῦς. 80 πρὸς οὐδενὸς οὖν ἀναγκάζεται, ἅτε καταπεφρονη- κὼς μὲν ἀλγηδόνων, καταπεφρονηκὼς δὲ θανάτου, νόμῳ δὲ φύσεως ὑπηκόους ἐ ἔχων ἅπαντας ἄφρονας" ὅνπερ γὰρ τρόπον αἰγῶν μὲν καὶ βοῶν καὶ προ- βάτων αἰπόλοι καὶ βουκόλοι καὶ νομεῖς ἀφηγοῦνται, τὰς δ᾽ ἀγέλας ἀμήχανον ἐπιτάξαι ποιμέσι, τὸν αὐτὸν ,Τρόπον οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ θρέμμασιν ἐοικότες ἐπιστάτου καὶ ἄρχοντος δέονται, ἡγεμόνες δ᾽ εἰσὶν οὗ ἀστεῖοι τὴν τῶν ἀγελαρχῶν τεταγμένοι τάξιν. 31 Ὅμηρος μὲν οὖν ᾿ ποιμένας λαῶν ᾿᾿ εἴωθε καλεῖν τοὺς βασιλέας, ἡ δὲ φύσις τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς κυριώτερον

1 See note a. The correction προσπεπονθόσιν ἀρετῇ is pos- sible, particularly as M has ἀρετῆ (=-7) =“‘ devoted to virtue.” I suggest for consideration πεποιθόσιν ἀρετῇ or πεποθηκόσιν a €TT} nV.

ἐς Cohn punctuates with a colon after λεγόμενον, and comma after εἰδόσι, thus making the case of the pancratiast to be the subject of γέγονε instead of the moral victory of the aoTetos.

3 On the insertion of οὕτως see App. p. 511.

@ 2,6. in themselves, but πάσχειν ἀρετήν in this sense, or

26

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 27-31

submit to do anything contrary to his judgement. This statement may perhaps seem incredible to those who have had no experience of virtue® (so would the other just mentioned to those who do not know the pancratiast), but none the less it is an actual fact. It 28 is this which Antisthenes had in view when he said that a virtuous man is heavy to carry,® for as want of sense is a light thing, never stationary, so good sense is firmly based, never swerves and has a weight that cannot be shaken. The law-giver of the Jews de- 29 scribes the wise man’s hands as heavy,’ indicating by this figure that his actions are not superficial but firmly based, the outcome of a mind that never ‘wavers. No one then can compel him, since he has 30 come to despise both pain and death, and by the law of nature has all fools in subjection. For just as goats and oxen and sheep are led by goatherds and ox- herds and shepherds, and flocks and herds cannot possibly give orders to herdsmen, so too the multi- tude, who are like cattle, require a master and a ruler and have for their leaders men of virtue, appointed to the office of governing the herd. Homer 31 often calls kings ‘‘ shepherds of the people,’’* but nature more accurately applies the title to the good,

even in the sense of having experience of virtue in others is more than doubtful Greek. No satisfactory emendation however has been proposed. See note 1.

> Zeller, Socrates (Eng. trans.), Ὁ. 334 takes the saying to mean that the virtuous man is hard to bear or makes himself a nuisance by telling unpleasant truths and quotes in support other similar sayings of the Cynics. Philo takes it in a quite different sense, though the last words of § 31 suggest some- thing of the thought which Zeller assigns to it.

¢ Ex. xvii. 12. The same interpretation is given with some additions in Leg. All. iii. 45.

@ e.g. Il. ii. 243.

27

PHILO

τουτὶ τοὔνομα ἐπεφήμισεν, εἴ γε ἐκεῖνοι ποιμαί- νονται τὸ πλέον ἢ ποιμαίνουσιν---ἄκρατος γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἄγει καὶ εὐμορφία πέμματά τε καὶ ὄψα καὶ τὰ μαγείρων καὶ σιτοποιῶν ἡδύσματα, ἵνα τὰς ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ τῶν σεμνοτέρων ἐπιθυμίας

᾽ὔ aA 9 e 9 9 A lA παραλείπω---, τοῖς δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς συμβέβηκε Se-

VA a A A v4 Κλ] 3

λεάζεσθαι, νουθετεῖν δὲ καὶ ὅσους ἂν αἴσθωνται πάγαις ἡδονῆς ἁλισκομένους.

,

82 VI. Ὅτι δ᾽ οὐχ at ὑπηρεσίαι μηνύματ' εἰσὶ δουλείας, ἐναργεστάτη πίστις οἱ πόλεμοι: τοὺς γὰρ στρατευομένους ἰδεῖν ἔστιν αὐτουργοὺς ἅπαντας, οὐ μόνον τὰς πανοπλίας κομίζοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσα

9 aA πρὸς τὴν ἀναγκαίαν χρῆσιν ὑποζυγίων τρόπον > 4 > 99 e ’ ᾽ A ἐπηχθισμένους, εἶτ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὑδρείαν ἐξιόντας Kai dpv- ’ὔ’

88 γανισμὸν καὶ χιλὸν κτήνεσι. τὰ γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς

ἐχθροὺς ἐν ταῖς “στρατείαις τί δεῖ μακρηγορεῖν,

9 τάφρους ἀνατεμνόντων ἢ τείχη “κατασκευαζόντων ἢ τριήρεις ναυπηγουμένων ἢ ὅσα ὑπουργίας ἢ τέχνης πάντα χερσὶ καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ σώματι ὕὑπηρε- 4

84 τούντων. ἔστι δέ TIS καὶ κατ᾽ εἰρήνην πόλεμος A 9 A Ψ 9 9 VA [2] 9 4, A τῶν ev τοῖς ὅπλοις οὐκ ἀποδέων, ὃν ἀδοξία καὶ πενία καὶ δεινὴ σπάνις τῶν ἀναγκαίων συγκρο- τοῦσιν, ὑφ᾽ οὗ βιασθέντες ἐγχειρεῖν καὶ τοῖς δουλοπρεπεστάτοις ἀναγκάζονται, σκάπτοντες, γεωπονοῦντες, βαναύσους ἐπιτηδεύοντες τέχνας,

@ §§ 32-40. These sections, except in § 40, where the casual illustration from the lions leads Philo to revert to his main theme, do not seem to bear upon the argument that the good man alone is free. They may perhaps be regarded as arguing that, independently of the main philosophical con- tention, the common tests of slavery and freedom are not consistently held. So with ὑπηρεσίαι, which as Cohn points out has been stated in § 23 to be the ordinary test, no one

28

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 31-34

since kings are more often in the position of the sheep than of the shepherd. They are led by strong drink and good looks and by baked meats and savoury dishes and the dainties produced by cooks and con- fectioners, to say nothing of their craving for silver and gold and grander ambitions. But the good nothing can ensnare, and it is theirs also to admonish those whom they see caught in the toils of pleasure. VI. “That services rendered are no proof of enslave- 32 ment is very clearly shown in war-time. We see soldiers in the field all working on their own account, not only carrying all their weapons, but also laden like beasts with every necessary requirement, and then making expeditions to get water or firewood or fodder for the animals. As for labours required in 33 defence against the enemy, such as cutting trenches or building walls or constructing triremes, and all other skilled or subsidiary operations in which the hands and the rest of the body are employed, there is no need to recount them at length. On the other hand, 34 there is a peace-time war, no less grave than those fought with arms, a war set on foot by disrepute and poverty and dire lack of the necessaries of life, a war by which men are forced under duress to undertake the most servile tasks, digging and toiling on the land and practising menial crafts, labouring un-

calls the soldier a slave, nor yet that other soldier, the freeman driven by poverty to do menial tasks. On the other hand (§ 34) persons who are admittedly slaves in the ordinary sense have functions which are not ὑπηρεσία. A second test (obedience) begins in § 36. This breaks down because children and pupils obey but are not slaves; a third test, purchase (§ 37), because ransomed captives are not slaves, and purchase also does not prevent the complete subjection of the purchaser to the purchased (88 38-39).

29

PHILO

ὑπηρετοῦντες ἀόκνως ἕνεκα τοῦ παρατρέφεσθαι, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ κατὰ μέσην ἀγορὰν ἀχθοφοροῦντες ἐν ἡλικιωτῶν καὶ ,“συμφοιτητῶν καὶ ,“συνεφήβων

35 ὄψεσιν. ἕτεροι δ᾽ εἰσὶν ἐκ γένους δοῦλοι

τὰ τῶν ἐλευθέρων εὐμοιρίᾳ τύχης μετιόντες" ἐπί- τροποι γὰρ οἰκιῶν καὶ κτημάτων καὶ μεγάλων οὐσιῶν, ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε καὶ τῶν ὁμοδούλων ἄρχοντες καθίστανται, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας ὀρφανοὺς δεσποτῶν ἐπετράπησαν, φίλων καὶ συγ- γενῶν προκριθέντες εἰς πίστιν: ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως εἰσὶ δοῦλοι, δανείζοντες, ὠνούμενοι, προσόδους ἐκλεγό- μενοι, θεραπευόμενοι. τί οὖν θαυμαστόν, εἰ καὶ

[451] κατὰ τοὐναντίον ὀλίσθῳ τις εὐτυχίας | δουλικὰς ’ 9 aA A > e 4 e¢ 4 \ 9 86 χρείας ἐπιτελεῖ; τὸ δ᾽ ὑπακούειν ἑτέρῳ τὴν ἐλευ-

97

θερίαν ἀφαιρεῖται. καὶ πῶς πατρὸς μὲν ἣ μητρὸς ἐπιταγμάτων παῖδες ἀνέχονται, γνώριμοι δὲ ὧν ὑφηγηταὶ" διακελεύονται; δοῦλος γὰρ ἑκὼν οὐδείς. οἵ γε μὴν τοκέες οὐ τοσαύτην ὑπερβολὴν ἐπιδεί- ἕξονταί ποτε μισοτεκνίας, ὥσθ᾽ ἃ μόνα σύμβολα δουλείας ἐστί, τὰς ὑπηρεσίας, ἀναγκάσαι ἂν παῖδας τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ὑπομένειν. εἰ δέ τινας ὑπ᾽ ἀνδραπο- δοκαπήλων ἐπευωνιζομένους ἰδών τις οἴεται δού- λους εὐθὺς εἶναι, πολὺ διαμαρτάνει τῆς ἀληθείας" οὐ γὰρ ἡ πρᾶσις ἣ κύριον ἀποφαίνει τὸν πριάμενον 1 MSS. ὑφηγῶνται or ἀφηγοῦνται.

“ Stephanus says of παρατρέφεσθαι “‘ Plutarchus dicitur usurpasse de pauperibus qui misere aluntur,”’ but no examples are quoted, and the words may simply mean “ get their rations,”’ the point of the prefix being that like slaves they are dependent on others.

ὃ This may be taken in two ways, (1) as in the translation with what follows: the parents’ interests are identical with those of the children, and they cannot wish them to be slaves ;

30

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 34-37

ceasingly to earn a meagre ® subsistence ; often too carrying burdens in the midst of the market place before the eyes of their fellows in age who were their associates in boyhood and in youth.

There are others born in slavery, who by a happy dis- 35 pensation of fortune pursue the o¢cupations of the free. They receive the stewardship of houses and landed estates and great properties; sometimes too they become the rulers of their fellow slaves. Many too have the wives and orphan children of their masters committed to their charge, being preferred for trust- worthiness to friends and members of the family. Still all the same they are slaves though they lend, purchase, collect revenues and are much courted. Why then should we wonder when the opposite occurs and a man whose good luck has taken a bad turn performs the offices of a slave? But you say, “ by 36 obedience to another he loses his liberty.”” How then is it that children suffer the orders of their father or mother, and pupils the injunctions of their instruc- tors? For no one is willing to be a slave °; and surely parents will not show such an extreme hatred of their offspring as to compel their own children to submit to render services which according to you are the sole distinctive marks of slavery. Again, anyone who 37 thinks that people put up for sale* by kidnappers thereby become slaves goes utterly astray from the truth. Selling does not make the purchaser a master,

(2) taking it with the previous sentence, no one who acts voluntarily is a slave, and the children do act voluntarily.

¢ Perhaps “ sold cheap ”’ as apparently in § 121. On the other hand neither here nor in Flaccus 132 is there much point in cheapness. See my note on De Cher. 123, vol. ii. p. 486, where it is suggested that the word merely conveys some measure of contempt like our “ peddling.”

31

PHILO

“A \ QZ A A ἢ τὸν πραθέντα δοῦλον, ἐπεὶ καὶ πατέρες υἱῶν A 9 τιμὰς κατέθεσαν καὶ viol πολλάκις πατέρων ἢ A , 9 κατὰ λῃστείας ἀπαχθέντων ἢ κατὰ πόλεμον αἰχ- , , Δ e aA “- μαλώτων γενομένων, οὗς οἱ τῆς φύσεως νόμοι τῶν 4 32) κάτωθεν ὄντες βεβαιότεροι γράφουσιν ἐλευθέρους. 3) 4, A 38 ἤδη δέ τινες Kal προσυπερβάλλοντες 9 , 4 A εἰς τοὐναντίον περιήγαγον τὸ πρᾶγμα, δεσπόται 4 A 3 γενόμενοι τῶν πριαμένων ἀντὶ δούλων: ἔγωγ᾽ οὖν 9 , λλά ” 5 , ἽΝ ἐθεασάμην πολλάκις εὔμορφα παιδισκάρια καὶ , , A e , ” 4 φύσει στωμύλα δυσὶν ὁρμητηρίοις, ὄψεως κάλλει \ A \ aA Kat TH περὶ λόγους χάριτι, πορθοῦντα τοὺς κεκτη- 4 e A A μένους" ἑλεπόλεις yap ταῦτα ψυχῶν ἀνιδρύτων καὶ 9 ’ ἀνερματίστων, μηχανημάτων ἁπάντων ὅσα ἐπ᾽ 9 A A 4 ἀνατροπῇ τειχῶν κατασκευάζεται σθεναρώτερα. “ 4 e j 39 σημεῖον δέ: θεραπεύουσιν, ἱκετεύουσιν, εὐμένειαν ὡς παρὰ τύχης καὶ ἀγαθοῦ δαίμονος αἰτεῖσθαι 9 γλίχονται, καὶ παρορώμενοι μὲν σφαδάζουσιν, εἰ ὃ᾽ > A 4 \ λέ iv θ 4 αὐτὸ μόνον τὸ βλέμμα ἵλεων θεάσαιντο, ye- 4 > A 9 A \ \ 4 40 γηθότες ἀνορχοῦνται. εἰ μὴ Kal τὸν λέοντας 4 4 ὠνησάμενον δεσπότην φατέον εἶναι λεόντων, ὅς, , ω 9 ’ὔ ἢ εἰ μόνον ἐπανατείναιντο τὰς ὄψεις, οἵους ἐπρίατο \ 9 4 : κυρίους 6 δύστηνος, ὡς χαλεποὺς Kal ὠμοθύμους, Oe 9 \ αὐτίκα παθὼν εἴσεται. τί οὖν; οὐκ οἰόμεθα τὸν 3 , \ σοφὸν ἀδουλωτότερον εἶναι λεόντων, ἐλευθέρᾳ Kat > , aA A 1A A ” αλλ "A 9 ἀτρώτῳ ψυχῇ τὴν ἀλκὴν ἔχοντα μᾶλλον Ἢ εἰ

α εἰ μὴ refers back to § 37. Philo is no doubt thinking 32

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 37-40

nor the purchased a slave. Fathers pay a price for their sons and sons often for their fathers if they have been carried off in raids or taken prisoners in war, and that such persons are free men is asserted by the laws of nature which have a more solid foun- dation than those of our lower world.

Indeed, some of those thus bought and sold reverse 38 the situation to such an extreme extent that they become the masters of their purchasers instead of their slaves. I have often myself seen pretty little slave girls with a natural gift for wheedling words, who with these two sources of strength, beauty of face and charm of speech, stormed the hearts of their owners. For these two are engines of attack against souls with no ballast or stability, engines mightier than all the machines constructed to demolish walls. This is shown by the way in which their owners court 39 them, supplicate them, eagerly beg their favours, as though they were praying to fortune or some good genius. If they are scouted they go into fits of despair and if they just see a kindly glance they dance for joy. If selling constitutes slavery we 40 should have to assert that a person who had bought some lions is master of the lions,* whereas if the beasts do but turn menacing eyes upon him, the poor man will learn at once by experience the cruel and ferocious lordship of those whom he has purchased. Well then must we not suppose that if lions cannot, still less can the wise man be enslaved, who has in his free and unscathed soul a greater power of resistance of the story told of Diogenes (Diog. Laert. vi. 75): when his friends offered to ransom him from the pirates, he refused, ‘for lions are not slaves of those who keep them, but they

are the slaves of the lions. For fear is the mark of the slave, but wild beasts make men fear them.”

VOL. IX D 33

PHILO

, ͵ / \ 93 , ,᾿ 13 σώματι φύσει δούλῳ καὶ εὐτονίᾳ κραταιοτάτῃ ἰσχύος ἀφηνιάζοι;

> 41 VII. Μάθοι δ᾽ dv τις τὴν ἐλευθερίαν," ἣ περὶ τὸν al 3 \ 3 e 7 “~ 3 ’ σπουδαῖόν ἐστι, καὶ ἐξ ἑτέρων: δοῦλος εὐδαίμων

3 9 , 9 ’ 4 \ > 4 A 4 πρὸς ἀλήθειαν οὐδείς" Ti yap ἀθλιώτερον ἢ πάντων ἄκυρον εἶναί τινα καὶ ἑαυτοῦ; ὁ δέ γε σοφὸς

9 ’ [χ ‘ 4 > ’ 3 εὐδαίμων, ἕρμα καὶ πλήρωμα καλοκαγαθίας ἐπι-

3 Φ “-- 4 3 φερόμενος, ἐν ἡ τὸ κῦρός ἐστιν ἁπάντων: (woT »)

9 4 \ 3 9 4 e A 3 4 ἀναμφιβόλως καὶ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὁ σπουδαῖος ἐλεύ- 42 θερός ἐστι. πρὸς τούτοις τίς οὐκ ἂν εἴποι τοὺς

, a Ag 2 ἢ 5 3 \ α \

φίλους τοῦ θεοῦ" ἐλευθέρους εἶναι; εἰ μὴ Tots μὲν [452] τῶν βασιλέων ἑταίροις | ἄξιον οὐ μόνον ἐλευθερίαν

9 \ > \ aA ἀλλὰ Kal ἀρχὴν ὁμολογεῖν' συνεπιτροπεύουσι Kal 3 4 A ~ ~ συνδιέπουσι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, τοῖς δὲ θεῶν τῶν 3 4 4 3 4 a ‘\ \ 4 ὀλυμπίων δουλείαν ἐπιφημιστέον, ot διὰ τὸ φιλό-

\ 4 aA ,

θεον εὐθὺς γενόμενοι θεοφιλεῖς, ion ἀντιτιμηθέντες

3 4 > 1A θ 4 ὃ 4 θ 4 e 4

εὐνοίᾳ παρ᾽ ἀληθείᾳ δικαζούσῃ, καθάπερ οἱ ποιηταί 4 φασι, πανάρχοντές τε καὶ βασιλέες βασιλέων εἰσί. 3 e aA > , 43 νεανικώτερον δ᾽ ὁ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων νομοθέτης mpoo- iA ἢ Cond υπερβάλλων, ἅτε γυμνῆς ws λόγος ἀσκητὴς φιλοσοφίας, τὸν ἔρωτι θείῳ κατεσχημένον καὶ τὸ 53) / θ 4 > , > »ν > A \ ὃν μόνον θεραπεύοντα οὐκέτ᾽ ἄνθρωπον ἀλλὰ θεὸν

1 « Suspectum propter hiatum,” says Cohn. See App. p. 510 on § 15.

2 mss. ἀλήθειαν.

8 So mss. Cohn τῶν θεῶν calling attention to the plural just below. But easy alternation between God and Gods is,

I think, a common phenomenon in Stoicism. There is also the hiatus; see again App. p. 510. 4 Mss. συνομολογεῖν.

@ See on § 128. 34

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 40-43

to the yoke than any he could make with the natur- ally slavish body and all the vigour of its physical strength ?

VII. The freedom of the good man may be learnt 41 in other ways. No slave is really happy. For what greater misery is there than to live with no power over anything, including oneself? But the wise man is happy, ballasted and freighted ὁ by his high morality, which confers power over everything, and so beyond all doubt and of sheer necessity, the good man is free. Furthermore no one would deny that the friends 42 of God are free. Surely when we agree that the familiars of kings enjoy not only freedom but author- ity, because they take part in their management and administration as leaders, we must not give the name of slaves to those who stand in the same relation to the celestial gods, who are god-lovers and thereby necessarily god-beloved, rewarded with the same affection as they have shown, and in the judgement of truth are as the poets say,? rulers of all and kings of kings. The legislator of the Jews in a bolder spirit 43 went to a further extreme and in the practice of his “naked ”’ philosophy,° as they call it, ventured to speak of him who was possessed by love of the divine and worshipped the Self-existent only, as having

> No poetical reference is quoted either for the thought or the language, and I understand the reference to be to the word πανάρχων, which is not cited from elsewhere.

¢ By ‘‘ naked philosophy ’”’ he perhaps means “ frank ”’ or “outspoken.” Cf. γυμνοῖς ἤθεσι προσαγορεύοντες “ their manner of address was unreserved”’’ De Abr. 117, and γυμνοῖς ὀνόμασι Spec. Leg. ii. 131. But this does not quite account for ws λόγος, and still less does the γνησίας which Mangey proposed. Possibly there may be some allusion to the gymnosophists (see § 93), but more probably to something which we cannot now recover.

35

PHILO

> / 3 A > ’ 4 4 9 A ἀπετόλμησεν εἰπεῖν: ἀνθρώπων μέντοι θεόν, οὐ τῶν τῆς φύσεως μερῶν, ἵνα τῷ πάντων καταλίπῃ πατρὶ A “-- Φ' A A “- > 9? 3) A 4470 θεῶν εἶναι βασιλεῖ καὶ θεῷ. ἄρ᾽ ἄξιον τὸν προνομίας τοσαύτης τετυχηκότα δοῦλον ἢ μόνον ἐλεύθερον εἶναι νομίζειν; ὃς εἰ καὶ θείας οὐκ 347 ’ θ᾽ e 4 LAA VA ὃ \ A / ἠξίωται μοίρας καθ᾽ αὑτόν, ἀλλά τοι διὰ τὸ φίλῳ θεῷ χρῆσθαι πάντως ὥφειλεν εὐδαιμονεῖν: οὔτε γὰρ ἀσθενὴς ὁ ὁ ὑπέρμαχος οὔτε φιλικῶν ἀμελὴς δικαίων θεὸς ἑταιρεῖος ὧν καὶ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς ἑταίρους 45 ἐφορῶν. ἔτι τοίνυν, ὥσπερ τῶν πόλεων αἱ μὲν ὀλιγαρχούμεναι καὶ τυραννούμεναι δουλείαν ὑπο- A Yj μένουσι χαλεποὺς καὶ βαρεῖς ἔχουσαι δεσπότας τοὺς ὑπαγομένους καὶ κρατοῦντας, αἱ δὲ νόμοις ἐπιμεληταῖς χρώμεναι καὶ προστάταις εἰσὶν ἐλεύ- θεραι, οὕτως καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, παρ᾽ οἷς μὲν ὀργὴ ἢ ἐπιθυμία ἢ τι ἄλλο πάθος 1 7 καὶ ἐπίβουλος κακία δυναστεύει, πάντως εἰσὶ δοῦλοι, ὅσοι δὲ μετὰ νόμου “A ’ U4 \ 3 \ 46 ζῶσιν, ἐλεύθεροι. νόμος δὲ ἀψευδὴς ὁ ὀρθὸς λόγος, οὐχ ὑπὸ τοῦ δεῖνος ἢ τοῦ δεῖνος, θνητοῦ φθαρτός, 2 ’ av 4 av 3 ’ 3 > ὁ 3» ἐν χαρτιδίοις ἢ στήλαις, ἄψυχος ἀψύχοις, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ > 4 ’ ” 3 9 ’ ’ὔ ἀθανάτου φύσεως ἄφθαρτος ἐν ἀθανάτῳ διανοίᾳ 47 τυπωθείς. διὸ καὶ θαυμάσαι ἄν τις τῆς ἀμβλυ- ὠπίας τοὺς τρανὰς οὕτω πραγμάτων ἰδιότητας μὴ A 4 συνορῶντας, ot μεγίστοις μὲν δήμοις ᾿Αθήναις καὶ ’ὔ Λακεδαίμονι πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν αὐταρκεστάτους εἶναί φασι τοὺς Σόλωνος καὶ Λυκούργου νόμους κρα- τοῦντάς τε καὶ ἄρχοντας πειθαρχούντων αὐτοῖς τῶν πολιτευομένων, σοφοῖς δὲ ἀνδράσι τὸν ὀρθὸν λόγον, ὃς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐστὶ πηγὴ νόμοις, οὐχ

α See Ex. vii. 1 “ Behold I give thee as a god to Pharaoh’’; 36

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 43-47

passed from a man into a god, though, indeed, a god to men, not to the different parts of nature, thus leaving to the Father of all the place of King and God of gods.* Does one who has obtained so great a preferment deserve to be considered a slave and not rather the solely free? Though he was not deemed worthy of divine rank in his own right, yet because he had God for a friend, he was bound to have absolute felicity, for he had no feeble champion, nor one neglectful of the rights of friendship in Him who is the comrade’s god and keeps watch over the claims of comradeship. Further again, just as with cities, those which lie under an oligarchy or tyranny suffer enslavement, because they have cruel and severe masters, who keep them in subjection under their sway, while those which have laws to care for and protect them are free, so, too, with men. Those in whom anger or desire or any other passion, or again any insidious vice holds sway, are entirely enslaved, while all whose life is regulated by law are free.

44

And right reason is an infallible law engraved not by 46

this mortal or that and, therefore, perishable as he, nor on parchment or slabs, and, therefore, soulless as they, but by immortal nature on the immortal mind,

never to perish. So, one may well wonder at the 47

short-sightedness of those who ignore the character- istics which so clearly distinguish different things and declare that the laws of Solon and Lycurgus are all- sufficient to secure the freedom of the greatest of republics, Athens and Sparta, because their sovereign authority is loyally accepted by those who enjoy that citizenship, yet deny that right reason, which is the

a text cited elsewhere several times. Cf. in particular Quod Det. 161 ff. |

37

PHILO

ἱκανὸν εἶναι πρὸς μετουσίαν ἐλευθερίας ὑπακούουσι πάντων, ἅττ᾽ ἂν ἣ προστάττῃ ἢ ἀπαγορεύῃ.

48 πρὸς τοίνυν τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἐναργε- στάτη πίστις ἐλευθερίας ἰσηγορία, ἣν οἵ σπουδαῖοι πάντες ἄγουσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. ὅθεν καὶ τὰ τρί- μετρα φιλοσόφως ἐκεῖνά φασιν εἰρῆσθαι"

[458] | “od γὰρ μετεῖναι τῶν νόμων δούλοις edu.” καὶ πάλιν" “δοῦλος πέφυκας, οὐ μέτεστί σοι Adyov.”’

40 καθάπερ οὖν ὁ μουσικὸς νόμος ἅπασι τοῖς ἐπι- τετηδευκόσι μουσικὴν ἰσηγορίας τῆς ἐν τῇ τέχνῃ μεταδίδωσι καὶ ὁ γραμματικὸς ἢ ὁ γεωμετρικὸς γραμματικοῖς ἢ γεωμέτραις, οὕτω καὶ ὁ ἐν τῷ

ὅ0 βίῳ νόμος τοῖς ἐμπείροις τῶν βιωτικῶν. οἱ δὲ σπουδαῖοι πάντες ἔμπειροι τῶν κατὰ τὸν βίον πραγμάτων εἰσίν, ὁπότε καὶ τῶν ἐν ἁπάσῃ τῇ φύσει: καὶ εἰσί τινες αὐτῶν ἐλεύθεροι, ὥστε καὶ ὅσοι τούτοις ἰσηγορίας μετέχουσιν. οὐδεὶς ἄρα τῶν σπουδαίων δοῦλος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλεύθεροι πάντες.

51 VII. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς ἀφορμῆς καὶ ὅτι δοῦλος ὁ ἄφρων € ἐστίν, ἐπιδειχθήσεται. ὥσπερ γὰρ ὁ κατὰ μουσικὴν νόμος οὐ δίδωσιν ἰσηγορίαν ἀμούσοις

¢ The source of these two quotations is unknown. The second is quoted by Marcus Aurelius xi. 80.

> The point of the words “‘some .. . free”’ is obscure both here and below and their expunction has been suggested. I think they are defensible here, but not below, where I sug- gest that they may have been inserted in mistaken analogy. The argument, as I understand it, is, (onyopia between persons implies that they are of the same status, both free

38

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 47-51

fountain head of all other law, can impart freedom to the wise, who obey all that it prescribes or forbids.

Further, besides these just mentioned, 48 we have a very clear evidence of freedom in the equality recognized by all the good in addressing each other. Thus it is argued that the following iambic verses contain sound philosophy :

No part or lot in law has any slave and again

A slave thou art, no right of speech hast thou.

Just as the laws of music put all adepts in music on 49 an equal footing in discussing that art and the laws of grammar and geometry do the same for their respective professionals, so, too, the laws of human life and conduct create a similar equality between those who are proficient in life-matters. But the 50 good are all proficient in such matters, because their proficiency embraces the whole of nature. Some of the good are admittedly free,® and, therefore, all who enjoy the right to address them on an equal footing are free also. Consequently none of the good is a slave but all are free. VIII. By the same line of 51 argument it will appear that the fool is aslave. The laws of music, of grammar, of art in general, do not put the unmusical, the illiterate, the inartistic in

or both slaves. All good men, being proficient in the laws or art of conduct, have tony. with each other, therefore they are all either free or slaves. And as no one denies that some good men are free, they must all be free.

The negative argument is, the bad man, being unproficient in the said laws or art, has no ἐσηγ. with the proficient, and as all free men have tony. with each other the bad cannot be free. I do not see how one can fit ‘‘ some of the good are free ’’ into this.

39

PHILO

A 9 πρὸς μεμουσωμένους οὐδ᾽ ὁ κατὰ γραμματικὴν > 4 ἀγραμμάτοις πρὸς γραμματικοὺς οὐδὲ συνόλως e A O τεχνικὸς πρὸς τεχνίτας ἀτέχνοις, οὕτως οὐδ᾽ A aA βιωτικὸς νόμος ἰσηγορίας μεταδίδωσι τοῖς κατὰ A 4 > 4 \ 3 ’ “ 9. “ 52 τὸν βίον ἀπείροις πρὸς ἐμπείρους. τοῖς δ᾽ ἐλευθέ- e 3 “A pos ἡ ἐκ νόμου πᾶσιν ἰσηγορία δίδοται: [καὶ εἰσί τινες τῶν σπουδαίων ἐλεύθεροι") καὶ τῶν βιωτικῶν ” A e A 9 4 9 e 4 ἄπειροι μὲν ot φαῦλοι, ἐμπειρότατοι δ᾽ οἱ σοφοί: 9 +” 9 > » “εἨ [4 > 4 “Ὁ οὐκ ap εἰσί τινες τῶν φαύλων ἐλεύθεροι, δοῦλοι 53 δὲ πάντες. 6 δὲ Ζήνων, εἰ καί τις ἄλλος br 3 “- 3 A ἀρετῆς ἀχθείς, νεανικώτερον ἀποδείκνυσι περὶ τοῦ A A μὴ εἶναι τοῖς φαύλοις ἰσηγορίαν πρὸς ἀστείους-- \ Ul 66 9 3 4 \ e A 2A φησὶ yap: “οὐκ οἰμώξεται μὲν ὁ φαῦλος, ἐὰν 3 “ἢ > 3 ἀντιλέγῃ τῷ σπουδαίῳ; οὐκ ap ἐστὶν ἰσηγορία A A > “A δά τῷ φαύλῳ πρὸς σπουδαῖον. οἶδ᾽ ὅτι πολλοὶ τοῦ ΄ λόγου κατακερτομήσουσιν ὡς αὐθαδείᾳ τὸ πλέον : | ἐρωτηθέντος ἢ συνέσει. μετὰ δὲ τὴν χλεύην παυ- 4 A / “aA 3 ’ ’ \ σάμενοι τοῦ γέλωτος ἣν ἐθελήσωσι διακύψαι Kai τὸ λεγόμενον σαφῶς ἐρευνῆσαι, καταπλαγέντες 9 lon \ 3 \ ” 4 > 9 ? \ “μ αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀψευδὲς εἴσονται, ὅτι ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ μᾶλλον 3 ᾽ ’ “ A \ A A “A ’ δδ οἰμώξεταί τις ἢ τῷ μὴ πειθαρχεῖν τῷ σοφῷ. ζημία γὰρ χρημάτων ἢ ἀτιμία ἢ φυγαὶ ἢ αἱ διὰ πληγῶν ὕβρεις ἢ ὅσα ὁμοιότροπα βραχέα καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ἀντιτιθέμενα κακίαις καὶ ὧν αἱ κακίαι δημιουργοί. \ \ 4 9 A \ A λ 4 τοὺς δὲ πολλούς, οὐ συνορῶντας τὰς ψυχῆς βλάβας

α Cohn and Arnim in Κ. Κ7..}". i. 228 take this sentence as part of the quotation from Zeno. It seems to me better to take it as Philo’s inference from Zeno’s dictum. To include it in Zeno’s words would imply that he made a point of

40

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 51-55

general on an equal footing in discussion with the musical, the literary and the artistic. In the same way the laws of life and conduct do not put the un- proficient in life matters on an equal footing in dis- cussion with the proficient. But this right of equal 52 discussion, which these laws give, is given to all the free [and some of the good are free]. And in life- matters the bad are unproficient, while the wise are most proficient and consequently none of the bad is free but all are slaves. Zeno, who lived under the 53 direction of virtue to an unsurpassed degree, proves still more forcibly that the bad are not on equal terms in addressing the virtuous. ‘Shall not the bad rue it if he gainsay the good?”’ he says. The bad man, therefore, has no right to speak to a good man as his equal.* I am aware that many people 54 will pour abuse on such words and hold that Zeno’s question ὃ shows presumption rather than good sense. But when they have had their jeering and stopped laughing, if they are willing to look closely and seek for a clear understanding of the saying, they will to their utter confusion recognize its absolute truth and that nothing will a man rue more than refusal to listen to the wise. For confiscation of money or dis- 55 franchisemént or banishment or the cruel disgrace of the lash, or anything else of the same kind, are small things and of no account when set against vices and the results which vices produce. But the majority, who through the blindness of their reason do not discern the damages which the soul has sustained, ionyopia, and one might expect to hear more of it, but the

term does not appear elsewhere in S.V.F’. Also § 54 deals entirely with Zeno’s question and not with the inference

drawn from it. ὃ Or perhaps “ the argument,” see note on De Aet. 143.

41

PHILO

διὰ λογισμοῦ πήρωσιν, ἐπὶ μόναις ταῖς ἐκτὸς συμ- βέβηκεν ἄχθεσθαι, τὸ κριτήριον ἀφῃρημένους, ᾧ 56 μόνῳ καταλαβεῖν ἔστι διανοίας ζημίαν. εἰ δὲ δυνηθεῖεν ἀναβλέψαι, θεασάμενοι τὰς δι᾽ ἀφροσύνης [464] ἀπάτας καὶ τὰς ἐκ | δειλίας ἐπηρείας καὶ ὅσα ἀκολασία παρῴνησεν ἢ ἀδικία παρηνόμησεν, ἐπὶ ταῖς τοῦ ἀρίστου συμφοραῖς λύπης ἀπαύστου γε- μισθέντες οὐδὲ παρηγορίας δι᾿ ὑπερβολὰς κακῶν 57 ἀνέξονται. ἔοικε δὲ ὁ Ζήνων ἀρύσασθαι τὸν λόγον ὥσπερ ἀπὸ πηγῆς τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίων νομο- θεσίας, ἐν ἡ δυοῖν ὄντοιν ἀδελφοῖν, τοῦ μὲν σώ- φρονος, τοῦ δ᾽ ἀκολάστου, λαβὼν οἶκτον ὁ κοινὸς ἀμφοῖν πατὴρ τοῦ μὴ ἐπ᾽ ἀρετὴν ἥκοντος εὔχεται, ἵνα δουλεύσῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ, τὸ δοκοῦν μέγιστον εἶναι κακόν, δουλείαν, ἀγαθὸν τελεώτατον ὕὑπο- λαμβάνων ἄφρονι, τὸ μὲν αὐτεξούσιον ἀφῃρη- μένῳ πρὸς τὸ μὴ σὺν ἀδείᾳ πλημμελεῖν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς τοῦ προεστῶτος προστασίας βελτιωθησομένῳ τὸ ἦθος. δ8 ΙΧ. Τὰ μὲν οὖν λεχθέντα πρὸς τὴν τοῦ ζητου- μένου διασύστασιν ἔμοιγε ἀποχρῶντα ἦν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ ποικίλα τῶν νοσημάτων ἰατροῖς ἔθος ποικιλω- τέραις ἰᾶσθαι θεραπείαις, ἀνάγκη καὶ “τοῖς παρα- δόξοις νομιζομένοις τῶν προβλημάτων διὰ τὸ ἄηθες ἐπάγειν πίστεις ἐπαλλήλους προσεγχρίοντας᾽ μόλις γὰρ ἔνιοι συνεχείᾳ πληττόμενοι τῶν ἀποδείξεων 69 αἰσθάνονται. λέγεται τοίνυν οὐκ ἀπὸ σκοποῦ, ὅτι

α Gen. xxvii. 40 “Του shalt serve (δουλεύσεις) thy brother.”” Cf. De Cong. 176. For the idea that Zeno drew from Moses ef. the ascription of Heracleitus’s doctrine of the opposites to him, Quis Rerum 214.

> The word perhaps carries on the idea of medical treat-

42

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 55-59

only feel the pain of external injuries, because the faculty of judgement, which alone can enable them to apprehend the damage to the mind, is taken from them. But if they could recover their sight, observ- 56 ing the delusions which folly brings and the outrages wrought by cowardice and all that the sottishness of incontinence and the lawlessness of injustice has done, they will be filled with ceaseless sorrow at the calamitous plight of the best thing they possess, and even refuse to listen to consolation, so vast are the evils which have befallen them. We may 57 well suppose that the fountain from which Zeno drew this thought was the law-book of the Jews, which tells of two brothers, one wise and temperate, the other incontinent, how the father of them both prayed in pity for him who had not attained to virtue that he should be his brother’s slave. He held that slavery, which men think the worst of evils, was the best possible boon to the fool, because the loss of independence would prevent him from transgressing without fear of punishment, and his character would be improved under the control of the authority set above him.

IX. I have now said all that appeared to me neces- 58 sary to prove the proposition, but just as physicians regularly use a greater multiformity of treatment to cure multiform diseases, so when statements regarded as paradoxical are put forward, their unfamiliarity renders it necessary to apply ὃ a succession of proofs to bear upon the subject. For some can only be brought to understand under the impact of a con- tinued series of demonstrations. Thus the following 59

ment, ὁ.6. ointment or liniment, but more probably, as sug- gested by πληττόμενοι, friction, “ rubbing it in.

43

PHILO

e / ’ὔ aA 3 A 4 > ὁ φρονίμως πάντα ποιῶν εὖ ποιεῖ πάντα, 6 δ᾽ εὖ “~ 4 “ a ~ ποιῶν πάντα ὀρθῶς ποιεῖ πάντα, ὁ δ᾽ ὀρθῶς πάντα “- \ 3 , \ ποιῶν καὶ ἀναμαρτήτως καὶ ἀμέμπτως Kal ἀνεπι- / A λήπτως Kai ἀνυπευθύνως καὶ ἀζημίως, ὥστ᾽ ἐξου- σίαν σχήσει πάντα δρᾶν καὶ ζῆν ὡς βούλεται" ᾧ δὲ χήσει πάντα δρᾶν καὶ ζῆν ὡς βούλεται" ᾧ δὲ a 3 ” 3 4 ba} ” 9 A \ 4 ταῦτ᾽ ἔξεστιν, ἐλεύθερος ἂν εἴη. ἀλλὰ μὴν πάντα ? A aA φρονίμως ποιεῖ ὁ ἀστεῖος: μόνος dpa ἐστὶν ἐλεύ-

4 \ A « Α > ᾽ὔ 5 3 4 60 θερος. καὶ μὴν ὃν μὴ ἐνδέχεται μήτ᾽ ἀναγκάσαι

ὔ λῦ 3 A 3 μὰ ΨΜ A A \ μήτε κωλῦσαι, ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἂν εἴη δοῦλος" τὸν δὲ σπουδαῖον οὐκ ἔστιν οὔτ᾽ ἀναγκάσαι οὔτε κωλῦσαι:

3 ” “A e a v4 3 » 3 3 4 οὐκ apa δοῦλος ὁ σπουδαῖος. ὅτι δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ avayKd-

” 4, ζω 4 \ A e ζεται οὔτε κωλύεται, δῆλον: κωλύεται μὲν yap ὁ

\ 4 μὴ τυγχάνων ὧν ὀρέγεται, ὀρέγεται δ᾽ ὁ σοφὸς

“ “A @ 4 \ TOV ἀπ᾽ ἀρετῆς, ὧν ἀποτυγχάνειν ov πέφυκε. Kal

\ 9. 3 , SAX Ὁ ” a? o1 μὴν εἰ ἀναγκάζεται, δῆλον ὅτι ἄκων τι ποιεῖ" ἐν οἷς

e 4 \ ~ \ δὲ at πράξεις, ἢ am ἀρετῆς εἰσι κατορθώματα ἢ ἀπὸ κακίας ἁμαρτήματα ἢ μέσα καὶ ἀδιάφορα.

A \ Ss 3 3 > “A 3 \ > 3 e ᾽ὔ τὰ μὲν οὖν am ἀρετῆς οὐ βιασθεὶς ἀλλ᾽ ἑκών---

e \ 4 3 7 A / > ἃ ὃ ~ \ δ᾽ > A αἱρετὰ yap ἐστιν αὐτῷ πάνθ᾽ a dpa—, τὰ δ᾽ ἀπὸ

/ 4 A 350. 3 4 3 \ \ κακίας ate φευκτὰ οὐδ᾽ ὄναρ πράττει: οὐδὲ μὴν

A 3 4 3 , \ £3) 4 > A 4 τὰ ἀδιάφορα εἰκός, πρὸς ἃ καθάπερ ἐπὶ πλάστιγγος ς 4 3 A 4 / e e \ ἡ διάνοια ἰσορροπεῖ, δεδιδαγμένη μὴτε ws ὁλκὸν ” 4 3 ’ 74" e > “~ ἔχουσι δύναμιν ἐνδιδόναι μήθ᾽ ws ἀποστροφῆς 3 , ὃ / 3 ea 3 onA Ψ δὲ ἀξίοις δυσχεραίνειν. ἐξ ὧν ἐστι δῆλον, ὅτι οὐδὲν

1 Perhaps ἀνθρώποις (written ἀνοις) δὲ, see note a.

@ Literally “ things in which there are actions are righteous actions,”’ etc., which is hardly sense. Arnim’s correction to ἀνθρώποις δὲ (See note 1) is very probable.

44:

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 59-61

argument is well to the point. He who always acts sensibly, always acts well: he who always acts well, always acts rightly : he who always acts rightly, also acts impeccably, blamelessly, faultlessly, irreproach- ably, harmlessly, and, therefore, will have the power to do anything, and to live as he wishes, and he who has this power must be free. But the good man Again, one who cannot be compelled to do anything 60 or prevented from doing anything, cannot be a slave. But the good man cannot be compelled or prevented : the good man, therefore, cannot be aslave. That he is not compelled nor prevented is evident. One is prevented when he does not get what he desires, but the wise man desires things which have their origin in virtue, and these, being what he is, he cannot fail _ to obtain. Further, if one is compelled he clearly acts against his will. But where there are actions,“ they are either righteous actions born of virtue or wrong actions born of vice or neutral and indifferent. The virtuous actions he performs not under constraint 61 but willingly, since all that he does are what he holds to be desirable. The vicious are to be eschewed and therefore he never dreams of doing them. Naturally too in matters indifferent he does not act under com- pulsion.2 To these, as on a balance his mind pre- serves its equipoise, trained neither to surrender to them in acknowledgement of their superiof weight, nor yet to regard them with hostility, as deserving aversion. Whence it is clear that he does nothing ὃ Philo cannot of course mean “that he does not do in- different actions,” and we must understand βιασθέντα πράτ- τειν. Ambrose’s paraphrase “ indifferentibus ita non

movetur ut nullis momentis ... inclinetur”’ looks as if he read something else (? εἰκῆ).

45

PHILO

ἄκων ποιεῖ οὐδ᾽ «ἀναγκάζεται: δοῦλος δ᾽ εἴπερ ἦν, ἠναγκάζετ᾽ av: ὥστ᾽ ἐλεύθερος ἂν εἴη ὁ ἀστεῖος. X. ᾿Επεὶ δέ τινες τῶν | ἥκιστα κεχορευκότων 455] Μούσαις λόγων ἀποδεικτικῶν οὐ συνιέντες, οἵ τὰς καθόλου τῶν πραγμάτων ἐμφάσεις παριστᾶσιν, εἰώθασιν ἐρωτᾶν" τίνες οὖν ἢ πρότερον γεγόνασιν ἄνδρες ἢ νῦν εἰσιν, ὁποίους ἀναπλάττετε; καλόν γε ἀποκρίνασθαι, ὅτι καὶ πάλαι τινὲς ἦσαν οἵ τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἀρετῇ διέφερον, ἡγεμόνι μόνῳ θεῷ χρώμενοι καὶ κατὰ νόμον, τὸν ὀρθὸν φύσεως λόγον, ζῶντες, οὐκ ἐλεύθεροι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πλησιά- ζοντας ἐλευθέρου φρονήματος ἀναπιμπλάντες, καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἔτ᾽ εἰσὶν ὥσπερ εἰκόνες ἀπὸ ἀρχετύπου γραφῆς, σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν καλοκἀγαθίας, 63 τυπωθέντες. οὐ γάρ, εἰ αἱ τῶν ἀντιλεγόντων ψυχαὶ κεχηρεύκασιν ἐλευθερίας, ὑπ᾽ ἀφροσύνης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κακιῶν δουλαγωγηθεῖσαι, διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος. εἰ δὲ μὴ κατὰ στίφη μεγάλα προΐασιν ἀγεληδόν, θαυμαστὸν οὐδέν: πρῶ- τον μέν, ὅτι τὰ λίαν καλὰ σπάνια, εἶτ᾽ ἐπειδὴ τὸν τῶν εἰκαιοτέρων ἐκτρεπόμενοι πολὺν ὅμιλον θεωρίᾳ τῶν τῆς φύσεως σχολάζουσιν, εὐχόμενοι μέν, εἴ πως ἐνῆν, ἐπανορθώσασθαι τὸν βίον---κοινωφελὲς γὰρ ἡ ἀρετή,---τὸ δὲ ἀδυνατοῦντες, πλημμυρούντων κατὰ πόλεις ἀλλοκότων πραγμάτων, ἃ ψυχῆς πάθη {(καὶΣ κακίαι συνηύξησαν, ἀποδιδράσκουσιν, ὡς μὴ

62

@ Lit. “‘ set forth the general appearances of things,’” mean- ing I suppose the impressions they produce as a whole when we do not examine them in detail.

ὃ ἀναπιμπλάντες perhaps has the common _ meaning of “ in- fect,” though here used in a good sense. Cf. De Prov. 71.

¢ For this thought of the rarity and retiring nature of the

46

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 61-63

unwillingly and is never compelled, whereas if he were a slave he would be compelled, and therefore the good man will be a free man.

X. But among those who have kept little company 62 with the Muses, there are some who have no under- standing of the methods of logical deduction, but make general statements based on appearances. These people often ask ‘‘ who have there been in the past, and who are there living now of the kind that you imagine ἢ An excellent answer is that in the past there have been those who surpassed their con- temporaries in virtue, who took God for their sole guide and lived according to a law of nature’s right reason, not only free themselves, but communicat- ing ὃ to their neighbours the spirit of freedom: also in our own time there are still men formed as it were in the likeness of the original picture supplied by the high excellence of sages. For it does not 63 follow that if the souls of the gainsayers have been bereft of freedom, held in bondage to folly and the other vices, the same is true of the human race. Nor is it a matter for wonder that the good do not appear herded in great throngs. First because specimens of great goodness are rare, secondly, because they avoid the great crowd of the more thoughtless and keep themselves at leisure for the contemplation of what nature has to show.* Their prayer is that if possible they may work a reformation in the lives of the others, for virtue serves the common weal. But as this is made impossible through the atrocious doings which flood the cities, gathering strength from the passions and vices of the soul, they flee right away

good cf. De Mut. 34-38, where it is associated with the text * Enoch was not found.”’

47

PHILO

“- “--Ὗ A 4 / / τῇ ῥύμῃ τῆς φορᾶς καθάπερ ἀπὸ χειμάρρου βίας 64 κατασυρεῖεν. ἡμᾶς δέ, εἰ βελτιώσεως ζῆλός τις ἦν, ἰχνηλατεῖν ἔδει τὰς τούτων καταδύσεις καὶ ἱκέ- τας καθεζομένους παρακαλεῖν, ἵνα τεθηριωμένον τὸν 3 9 4 \ βίον προσελθόντες ἐξημερώσωσιν, ἀντὶ πολέμου καὶ ~ 3 δουλείας καὶ κακῶν ἀμυθήτων εἰρήνην καὶ ἐλευ- ’ \ \ ΄- 3 9 “- > ’ θερίαν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν ἀφθονίαν περιρ- 4 65 ρεομένην' καταγγείλαντες. νυνὶ δὲ χρημάτων μὲν ’ ~ σι ἕνεκα πάντας μυχοὺς ἐρευνῶμεν καὶ γῆς στρυ Ἁ \ > ᾽ὔ lA > ᾽ \ vas καὶ ἀποκρότους φλέβας ἀναστέλλομεν, Kal ’ \ \ ~ 4 4 μεταλλεύεται μὲν πολλὴ τῆς πεδιάδος, μεταλλεύεται δὲ οὐκ ὀλίγη τῆς ὀρεινῆς, χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον, 4 \ ’ \ \ ” e 9 χαλκόν τε καὶ σίδηρον, καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ὕλας ἀναζη- , “-- \ oe \ 4 \ ~ 66 τούντων. θεοπλαστοῦσα δὲ ἡ κενὴ δόξα τὸν τῦφον ἄχρι καὶ βυθοῦ κατέβη θαλάττης διερευνωμένη, μή τι τῶν πρὸς αἴσθησιν ἀφανὲς ἐναπόκειταί που καλόν: καὶ λίθων ποικίλων καὶ πολυτελῶν ἀνευ- ροῦσα ἰδέας, τὰς μὲν πέτραις προσπεφυκυίας, τὰς δ᾽ ὀστρέοις, at καὶ τιμαλφέστεραι γεγόνασιν, ὄψεως > 4 9 ’ 7 vv 4 67 ἀπάτην ἐξετίμησε. φρονήσεως δὲ ἢ σωφροσύνης Ἃ > aA ~ ἢ ἀνδρείας ἢ δικαιοσύνης ἕνεκα γῆ μὲν ἀπόρευτός 9 \ e , 4 \ 3» \ 9 ἐστι καὶ ἡ βάσιμος, πελάγη δὲ ἄπλωτα τὰ καθ 7 “A ἑκάστην ὥραν τοῦ ἔτους ναυκλήροις ἐμπλεόμενα. ’ “A “-- aA ~ / 68 καίτοι Tis ἢ μακρᾶς ὁδοιπορίας ἢ τοῦ θαλαττεύειν Uf ’ὔ ~ 4 486] ἐστὶ χρεία πρὸς ἔρευναν καὶ ζήτησιν ἀρετῆς, ἧς τὰς ῥίζας 6 ποιῶν οὐ μακρὰν ἀλλ᾽ οὑτωσὶ πλησίον 3 4 4 \ e \ ~ 9 ’ ἐβάλετο; καθάπερ καὶ 6 σοφὸς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων 9 ~ “--ο νομοθέτης φησίν" “ἐν τῷ στόματί σου καὶ ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ σου καὶ ἐν ταῖς χερσί cov,” αἰνιττόμενος

1 So one ms.(S). The others either omit or have περιρ-

48

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 63-68

lest they should be swept down by the force of their onrush, as by the violence of a torrent. But we, if 64 we had any zeal for betterment should track them to their hiding places, and sitting as suppliants before them, exhort them to join us and humanize our bestial life, in place of war and slavery and a host of ills proclaiming peace, liberty and the overflowing abund- ance of all other blessings. As it is, for the sake of 65 money we ransack every corner and open up rough and rocky veins of earth, and much of the low land and no small part of the high land is mined in the quest of gold and silver, copper and iron, and the other like substances. The empty-headed way of 66 thinking, deifying vanity, dives to the depths of the sea, searching whether some fair treasure to delight the senses lies hidden there. And when it has found different kinds of many-coloured precious stones, some adhering to rocks, others, the more highly prized, to shells, it gives every honour to the beguiling spectacle. But for wisdom or temperance or courage or justice, 67 no journey is taken by land, even though it gives easy travelling, no seas are navigated, though the skippers sail them every summer season. Yet what need is 68 there of long journeying on the land or voyaging on the seas to seek and search for virtue, whose roots have been set by their Maker ever so near us, as the wise legislator of the Jews also says, “ἴῃ thy mouth, in thy heart and in thy hand,” thereby indicating in

2 Mangey translates “ numquid pretiosum adhuc fugiens sensum ibi reponatur.”’ But this, which is certainly simpler, would require the omission of τῶν.

ρεομένους which seems quite impossible, but the middle in the sense of ‘‘ overflow ”’ has no examples quoted.

VOL. IX E 49

PHILO

4 4 4 A ’ διὰ συμβόλων λόγους, βουλάς, πράξεις, ἃ δὴ πάντα 69 γεωργικῆς τέχνης δεῖται. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀργίαν πόνου 4 προτιμήσαντες ov μόνον τὰς βλάστας ἐκώλυσαν, > A \ \ es > Ul ” e A ἀλλὰ Kai τὰς ῥίζας ddavdvavres ἔφθειραν: οἱ δὲ \ A A e , . A \ 32 7 σχολὴν μὲν βλαβερὸν ἡγούμενοι, πονεῖν δὲ ἐθέ- λοντες, ὥσπερ εὐγενῆ μοσχεύματα γεωργοῦντες, ~ A ~ > 4 > τῷ συνεχεῖ THs ἐπιμελείας οὐρανομήκεις ἐστελέχω- 4 ~ σαν ἀρετάς, ἀειθαλῆ καὶ ἀθάνατα ἔρνη καρπὸν 4 [2 φέροντα εὐδαιμονίαν οὐδέποτε λήγοντα ἤ, ws τινες, 3 4 9 > > \ »« 9 ’ὔ £3) ~ od φέροντα, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὰ ὄντα εὐδαιμονίαν, ἃ Μωυσῆς > + a ὀνόματι συνθέτῳ καλεῖν εἴωθεν ὁλοκαρπώματα. > A ~ “-- 10 ἐπὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἐκ γῆς βλαστανόντων οὔθ᾽ ὁ 4 > ’ὔ »»᾿Ἤ A , la > A A καρπός ἐστι δένδρα οὔτε τὰ δένδρα καρπός, ἐπὶ δὲ ~ 3 “A , Ὁ > ὦ > A τῶν ev ψυχῇ φυομένων ὅλα δι᾽ ὅλων εἰς καρποῦ 4 4 A ” \ 4 A φύσιν μεταβέβληκε τὰ ἔρνη, τὸ φρονήσεως, TO ’ A 9 ’ὔ \ 4 71 δικαιοσύνης, TO ἀνδρείας, TO σωφροσύνης. XI. , S ϑ A ἔχοντες οὖν τοιαύτας Tap ἑαυτοῖς ἀφορμὰς οὐκ ἐρυθριῶμεν ἔνδειαν σοφίας ἀνθρώπων γένει καταγ- Δ 3 γέλλοντες, ἣν δυνατὸν ἦν ἐκφυσήσαντας καθάπερ 3 4 ~ ’ “-- 9 A A ἐν ὕλῃ σπινθῆρα τυφόμενον ζωπυρῆσαι; ἀλλὰ yap πρὸς ἃ μὲν σπεύδειν ἐχρῆν ὡς συγγενέστατα καὶ οἰκειότατα, πολὺς ὄκνος καὶ ῥαθυμία συνεχής, ὑφ᾽ ΩἹ A , Ὁ ὧν τὰ καλοκἀγαθίας σπέρματα διαφθείρεται, ὧν ἢ 5 δὲ εἰκὸς ἦν ὑστερίζειν, ἵμερος καὶ πόθος ἄπληστος. A “A 4 A Δ 9 4 \ a e 72 διὰ τοῦτο πλουσίων μὲν Kal ἐνδόξων καὶ ταῖς ἡδο- ναῖς χρωμένων μεστὴ γῆ καὶ θάλαττα, φρονίμων A A 4 A 9 ’ὔ 9Ὰ 7 9 ὔ A A δὲ καὶ δικαίων καὶ ἀστείων ὀλίγος ἀριθμός" τὸ δὲ

α The whole section is founded on Deut. xxx. 11-14, part 50 .

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 68-72

a figure, words, thoughts and actions?* All these, indeed, need the cultivator’s skill. Those who prefer 69 idleness to labour, not only prevent the growths but also wither and destroy the roots. But those who consider inaction mischievous and are willing to labour, do as the husbandman does with fine young shoots. By constant care they rear the virtues into stems rising up to heaven, saplings everblooming and immortal, bearing and never ceasing to bear the fruits of happiness, or as some hold, not so much bearing as being in themselves that happi- ness. These Moses often calls by the compound name of wholefruits.? In the case of growths which 70 spring from the earth, neither are the trees the fruit nor the fruit the trees, but in the soul’s plantation the saplings of wisdom, of justice, οὗ temperance, have their whole being transformed completely into fruits. XI. Having then in us such 71 potentialities, should we not blush to denounce the human race as lacking in wisdom, wisdom which the bellows could kindle into a blaze like the spark which smoulders in the firewood? And yet these things for which we should strive eagerly, things so closely akin to ourselves, so truly our own, we treat with great slackness and constant indifference and thus destroy the germs of excellence, while those things in which deficiency were a merit we desire with an insatiable yearning. Consequently land and 72 sea are full of the rich, the distinguished and the men of pleasure, but of the wise and just and virtuous, the number is small. But this small body though scanty

of which is actually quoted, a passage often used by Philo, e.g. De Virt. 183, and with the same interpretation of v. 14.

» See App. p. 511. 51

PHILO

3 7 9 \ Ul 9 9 4 4 73 ὀλίγον, εἰ καὶ σπάνιον, οὐκ ἀνύπαρκτον. μάρτυς δὲ ἡ Ἑλλὰς καὶ ἡ βάρβαρος: ἐν τῇ μὲν γὰρ οἱ > Ὁ ς ἐτύμως ἑπτὰ σοφοὶ προσονομασθέντες ἤνθησαν, καὶ ἄλλων πρότερον καὶ αὖθις ὡς εἰκὸς ἀκμασάν- των, ὧν ἡ μνήμη παλαιοτέρων μὲν ὄντων μήκει ’ὔ 9 ’ θ 4 δὲ 9) A A > χρόνων ἠφανίσθη, νεαζόντων δὲ ἔτι διὰ τὴν ἐπιπο- ’ “A “A λάζουσαν τῶν συνόντων ὀλιγωρίαν ἐξαμαυροῦται. 74 Kara δὲ τὴν βάρβαρον, ἐν 4 πρεσβευταὶ λόγων καὶ ἔργων, πολυανθρωπότατα στίφη καλῶν καὶ 3 θῶ 9 > ὃ ~ 9 Π , \ A 4 ἀγαθῶν ἐστιν ἀνδρῶν: ἐν Πέρσαις μὲν τὸ μάγων, ot τὰ φύσεως ἔργα διερευνώμενοι πρὸς ἐπίγνωσιν ο΄ 9Ἀ. ἢ > ες ἢ \ ἢ 9 \ τῆς ἀληθείας καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν τὰς θείας ἀρετὰς Tpa- νοτέραις ἐμφάσεσιν ἱεροφαντοῦνταί τε καὶ ἱεροφαν- lo > A “A “A τοῦσιν" ev ᾿Ϊνδοῖς δὲ τὸ γυμνοσοφιστῶν, ot πρὸς TH [457] φυσικῇ καὶ τὴν ἠθικὴν φιλοσοφίαν | διαπονοῦντες Φ 9 4 3 “A ’ \ 4 ὅλον ἐπίδειξιν ἀρετῆς πεποίηνται Tov βίον. 75 XII. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἡ [Παλαιστίνη Συρία Kxadoxa-

1 So one ms. (Ε). Of the others three have πρεσβευταὶ λόγων ἔργων, three πρεσβευταὶ λόγων Epyw, and one (M) zpoo- ἔταξε λόγων ἔργα. The characteristic common to these seven is the omission of καὶ after λόγων. I suggest with con- siderable confidence ἐν 4 πρεσβεύεται λόγων ἔργα ‘in which deeds are held in higher esteem than words.’’ The use of mpecBevoua with the genitive is quoted from Plato, Legg. 879 Β and need cause no difficulty, though mpeoBevw is perhaps more common. I submit that it is quite supported by what Philo goes on to say of the “‘ barbarians.”” The Magi search into the words of nature καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν. The Essenes (cf. De Vit. Cont. 1) representing the practical life, avoid the meptepyia “Ἑλληνικῶν ὀνομάτων, § 88, and the gymnosophists, as exemplified by Calanus, do not practise λόγους εἰς πανή- γυριν, § 96. See also App. p. 513.

52

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 73-75

is not absolutely non-existent.* For this we have 73 the testimony, both of Greece and the world outside Greece. In Greece there flourished the sages known also by the appropriate ὃ name of the Seven, and we might expect that both before them and after them, others had their day, though the memory of the more ancient has vanished in the lapse of many years, and is dimmed in the case of those whose lives are still recent through the widespread neglect of their contemporaries. ᾿ In the outside world where are those who spread 74 the message by words and deeds,° we find large associations of men of the highest excellence. Among the Persians there is the order of the Magi, who silently make research into the facts of nature to gain knowledge of the truth and through visions clearer than speech, give and receive the revela- tions of divine excellency.4¢ In India, too, there is the order of the Gymnosophists, who study ethical as well as physical philosophy and make the whole of their lives an exhibition of virtue.¢ XII. Palestinian Syria, too, has not 75 @ So too in De Mut. 35-37, though some say that σοφία and 6 σοφός are ἀνύπαρκτος, the conclusion is that each of them is ὑπαρκτὸν πρᾶγμα. ὃ * Appropriate,”’ because ἑπτά is supposed to be derived from σεμνός and σεβασμός, cf. De Op. 127. But see App. . 512. Pe This translation of the only translatable reading found in any one s. is given in despair, for I do not believe that ‘* ambassadors of words and deeds ”’ is a possible expression. Cohn, Hermes, 1916, p. 174, thinks that πρεσβευταί here = ‘*‘cultores.”” But no example for such a sense of the noun is cited. For what I believe to be the true reading see note 1. ¢ Cf. the very similar remarks in Spec. Leg. iii. 100 and note vol. vii. pp. 635 f. ὁ On the Gymnosophists see App. p. 513.

53

PHILO

γαθίας οὐκ ἄγονος, ἣν πολυανθρωποτάτου ἔθνους τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων οὐκ ὀλίγη μοῖρα νέμεται. λέγονταί τινες παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὄνομα ᾿Εῇσσαῖοι, πλῆθος ὑπερ- τετρακισχίλιοι, κατ᾽ ἐμὴν δόξαν---οὐκ ἀκριβεῖ τύ- πῳ διαλέκτου “Ἑλληνικῆς---παρώνυμοι ὁσιότητος, ἐπειδὴ κἀν τοῖς μάλιστα θεραπευταὶ θεοῦ _yeyo- νοσιν, οὐ ζῷα καταθύοντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἱεροπρεπεῖς τὰς 18 ἑαυτῶν διανοίας κατασκευάζειν ἀξιοῦντες. οὗτοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κωμηδὸν οἰκοῦσι τὰς πόλεις ἐκ- τρεπόμενοι διὰ τὰς τῶν πολιτευομένων χειροήθεις ἀνομίας, εἰδότες ἐκ τῶν συνόντων ὡς ἀπ᾽ ἀέρος φθοροποιοῦ νόσον ἐγγινομένην προσβολὴν ψυχαῖς ἀνίατον" ὧν οἱ μὲν γεωπονοῦντες, οἱ δὲ τέχνας μετιόντες ὅσαι συνεργάτιδες εἰρήνης, ἑαυτούς τε καὶ τοὺς πλησιάζοντας ὠφελοῦσιν, οὐκ ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσὸν θησαυροφυλακοῦντες οὐδ᾽ ἀποτομὰς γῆς μεγάλας κτώμενοι δι᾿ ἐπιθυμίαν προσόδων, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα πρὸς τὰς ἀναγκαίας τοῦ βίου χρείας ἐκπορί- 77 ζοντες. μόνοι γὰρ ἐξ ἁπάντων σχεδὸν ἀνθρώπων ἀχρήματοι καὶ ἀκτήμονες γεγονότες ἐπιτηδεύσει τὸ πλέον ἢ ἐνδείᾳ εὐτυχίας πλουσιώτατοι νομί- ζονται, τὴν ὀλιγοδεΐαν καὶ εὐκολίαν, ὅπερ ἐστί, 78 κρίνοντες περιουσίαν. βελῶν ἢ ἀκόντων 7 ξιφι- δίων 7 ἢ κράνους ἢ θώρακος ἢ ἀσπίδος οὐδένα παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἂν εὕροις δημιουργὸν οὐδὲ συνόλως ὅπλο- ποιὸν ἢ μηχανοποιὸν ἤ τι τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἐπιτηδεύοντα: ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ὅσα τῶν κατ᾽ εἰρήνην εὐόλισθα εἰς κακίαν: ἐμπορίας γὰρ ἢ καπηλείας ἢ

4“ For observations on the relation of this description of the Kssenes (88 75-91) to those in the Hypothetica (pp. 437 ff. of this volume) and in Josephus see App. p. 514.

5A

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 75-78

failed to produce high moral excellence. In this country live a considerable part of the very popu- lous nation of the Jews, including as it is said, certain persons, more than four thousand in number, called Essenes.*? Their name which is, I think, a variation, though the form of the Greek is inexact, of ὁσιότης (holiness), is given them, because they have shown _ themselves especially devout in the service of God, not by offering sacrifices of animals, but by resolving to sanctify their minds. The first thing about these 76 people is that they live in villages and avoid the cities because of the iniquities which have become inveterate among city dwellers, for they know that their company would have a deadly effect upon their own souls, like a disease brought by a pestilential atmosphere. Some of them labour on the land and others pursue such crafts as co-operate with peace and so benefit themselves and their neighbours. They do not hoard gold and silver or acquire great slices of land because they desire the revenues therefrom, but provide what is needed for the necessary require- ments of life. For while they stand almost alone in 77 the whole of mankind in that they have become moneyless and landless by deliberate action rather than by lack of good fortune, they are esteemed exceedingly rich, because they Judge frugality with contentment to be, as indeed it is, an abundance of wealth. As for darts, javelins, daggers, or the helmet, 78 breastplate or shield, you could not find a single manufacturer of them, nor, in general, any person making weapons or engines or plying any industry concerned with war, nor, indeed, any of the peaceful

_ kind, which easily lapse into vice, for they have not

_ the vaguest idea of commerce either wholesale or

55

79

[158]

80

81

82

PHILO

’ὔ 90.9 32) 3 A 9 4 vavkAnpias οὐδ᾽ ὄναρ ἴσασι, Tas els πλεονεξίαν ἀφορμὰς ἀποδιοπομπούμενοι. δοῦλός τε παρ᾽

9 A 950." e 9 > 9 9 4 4 > αὐτοῖς οὐδὲ εἷς ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλεύθεροι πάντες ἀνθ- υπουργοῦντες ἀλλήλοις" καταγινώσκουσί τε τῶν δεσποτῶν, οὐ μόνον ὡς ἀδίκων, ἰσότητα λυμαινο-

’ὔ > A \ e > “-- 4 4 μένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ws ἀσεβῶν, θεσμὸν φύσεως ἀναιρούντων, ἣ πάντας ὁμοίως γεννήσασα καὶ θρεψαμένη μητρὸς δίκην ἀδελφοὺς γνησίους, οὐ λεγομένους ἀλλ᾽ ὄντας ὄντως, | ἀπειργάσατο" ὧν τὴν συγγένειαν ἡ ἐπίβουλος πλεονεξία παρευη- μερήσασα διέσεισεν, ἀντ᾽ οἰκειότητος ἀλλοτριότητα

A > A 4 ” 9 ’ ’ὔ καὶ ἀντὶ φιλίας ἔχθραν ἐργασαμένη. φιλοσοφίας τε τὸ μὲν λογικὸν ὡς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον εἰς κτῆσιν 3 “A , \ A \ e A 4 ἀρετῆς λογοθήραις, τὸ δὲ φυσικὸν ὡς μεῖζον 7 κατὰ ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν μετεωρολέσχαις ἀπολιπόν-

A “A ~ \ ~ τες, πλὴν ὅσον αὐτοῦ περὶ ὑπάρξεως θεοῦ Kal τῆς τοῦ παντὸς γενέσεως φιλοσοφεῖται, τὸ ἠθικὸν εὖ μάλα διαπονοῦσιν ἀλείπταις χρώμενοι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, οὗς ἀμήχανον ἀνθρωπίνην ἐπινοῆσαι ψυχὴν ἄνευ κατοκωχῆς ἐνθέου. τούτους ἀνα- διδάσκονται μὲν καὶ παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἐβδόμαις διαφερόντως. ἱερὰ γὰρ ἡ ἑβδόμη νενόμισται, καθ᾽ ἣν τῶν ἄλλων ἀνέχοντες ἔργων, εἰς ἱεροὺς ἀφικνούμενοι τόπους, οἱ καλοῦνται συν-

’ θ᾽ AA ’ 9 LE e A 4 aywyat, καθ᾽ ἡλικίας ev τάξεσιν ὑπὸ πρεσβυτέροις

νέοι καθέζονται, μετὰ κόσμου τοῦ προσήκοντος ~ 9 @

ἔχοντες ἀκροατικῶς. εἶθ᾽ els μέν tis τὰς βίβλους

ἀναγινώσκει λαβών, ἕτερος δὲ τῶν ἐμπειροτάτων

α The triple division of philosophy has been frequently mentioned by Philo. For the fullest account of it see De

56

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 78-82

retail or marine, but pack the inducements to covet- ousness off in disgrace. Not a single slave is to be 79 found among them, but all are free, exchanging services with each other, and they denounce the owners of slaves, not merely for their injustice in outraging the law of equality, but also for their impiety in annulling the statute of Nature, who mother-like has born and reared all men alike, and created them genuine brothers, not in mere name, but in very reality, though this kinship has been put to confusion by the triumph of malignant covetous- ness, which has wrought estrangement instead of affinity and enmity instead of friendship. As for 80 philosophy they abandon the logical part to quibbling verbalists as unnecessary for the acquisition of virtue, and the physical to visionary praters as beyond the grasp of human nature, only retaining that part which treats philosophically of the existence of God and the creation of the universe.* But the ethical part they study very industriously, taking for their trainers the laws of their fathers, which could not possibly have been conceived by the human soul without divine inspiration. In these they are instructed 81 at all other times, but particularly on the seventh days. For that day has been set apart to be kept holy and on it they abstain from all other work and proceed to sacred spots which they call synagogues. There, arranged in rows according to their ages, the younger below the elder, they sit decorously as befits the occasion with attentive ears. Then one takes the 82 books and reads aloud and another of especial pro-

Agr. 14 ff. For the Stoic view by which natural theology is included in physic see notes on De Abr. 99 (vol. vi. pp. 52 and 597).

o7

PHILO

ὅσα μὴ γνώριμα παρελθὼν ἀναδιδάσκει: τὰ yap πλεῖστα διὰ συμβόλων ἀρχαιοτρόπῳ ζηλώσει παρ᾽ 83 αὐτοῖς φιλοσοφεῖται. παιδεύονται δὲ εὐσέβειαν, ὁσιότητα, δικαιοσύνην, οἰκονομίαν, πολιτείαν, ἐπι- στήμην τῶν πρὸς ἀλήθειαν ἀγαθῶν καὶ κακῶν καὶ ἀδιαφόρων, αἱρέσεις ὧν χρὴ καὶ φυγὰς τῶν ἐναν- τίων, ὅροις καὶ κανόσι τριττοῖς χρώμενοι, τῷ τε 84 φιλοθέῳ καὶ φιλαρέτῳ καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ. τοῦ μὲν οὖν φιλοθέου δείγματα παρέχονται μυρία" τὴν παρ᾽ ὅλον τὸν βίον συνεχῆ καὶ ἐπάλληλον ἁγνείαν, τὸ ἀνώμοτον, τὸ ἀψευδές, τὸ πάντων μὲν ἀγαθῶν αἴτιον, κακοῦ δὲ μηδενὸς νομίζειν εἶναι τὸ θεῖον" τοῦ δὲ φιλαρέτου τὸ “ἀφιλοχρήματον, τὸ ἀφιλόδοξον, τὸ ἀφιλήδονον, τὸ ἐγκρατές, τὸ καρτερικόν, ἔτι δὲ ὀλιγοδεΐαν, ἀφέλειαν, εὐκολίαν, τὸ ἄτυφον, τὸ νό- μιμον, τὸ εὐσταθές, καὶ ὅσα τούτοις ὁμοιότροπα" τοῦ δὲ φιλανθρώπου εὔνοιαν, ἰσότητα, τὴν παντὸς λόγου κρείττονα κοινωνίαν, περὶ ἧς οὐκ ἄκαιρον 85 βραχέα εἰπεῖν. «πρῶτον μὲν τοίνυν οὐδενὸς οἰκία τίς ἐστιν ἰδία, ἣν οὐχὶ πάντων εἶναι κοινὴν συμ- βέβηκε' πρὸς γὰρ τῷ κατὰ θιάσους συνοικεῖν ἀναπέπταται καὶ τοῖς ἑτέρωθεν ἀφικνουμένοις τῶν 86 ὁμοζήλων. εἶτ᾽ ἐστὶ ταμεῖον ἕν πάντων καὶ δαπάναι (κοιναΐδ, καὶ κοιναὶ μὲν ἐσθῆτες, κοιναὶ δὲ τροφαὶ συσσίτια πεποιημένων: τὸ γὰρ ὁμωρόφιον ἢ ὁμοδίαιτον ἢ ὁμοτράπεζον οὐκ ἄν τις

@ Or “‘ with ardour worthy of the men οὗ old.”” The same phrase occurs in De Plant. 158 and De Mig. 201, where also the exact meaning is somewhat uncertain.

> 4.e. ceremonial purity and avoidance of defilement. So rather than general purity of life, which would come under τὸ φιλάρετον. For this use of dyveia cf. Plato, Legg.

58

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 82-86

ficiency comes forward and expounds what is not understood. For most of their philosophical study takes the form of allegory, and in this they emulate the tradition of the past.* They are trained in 83 piety, holiness, justice, domestic and civic conduct, knowledge of what is truly good, or evil, or in- different, and how to choose what they should and avoid the opposite, taking for their defining standards these three, love of God, love of virtue, love of men. Their love of God they show by 84 a multitude of proofs, by religious purity ὃ constant and unbroken throughout their lives, by abstinence from oaths, by veracity, by their belief that the Godhead is the cause of all good things and nothing bad ; their love of virtue, by their freedom from the love of either money or reputation or pleasure, by self-mastery and endurance, again by frugality, simple living, contentment, humility, re- spect for law, steadiness and all similar qualities ; their love of men by benevolence and sense of equality, and their spirit of fellowship, which defies description, though a few words on it will not be out of place. First of all then no one’s house is his own 85 in the sense that it is not shared by all, for besides the fact that they dwell together in communities, the door is open to visitors from elsewhere who share their convictions. Again they all have 86 a single treasury and common disbursements ; their clothes are held in common and also their food through their institution of public meals. In no other community can we find the custom of sharing

917 B καθαρότητός τε Kal ἁγνείας τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεούς. Though this kind of purity is not mentioned elsewhere in this narrative, it is in other accounts, see App. p. 514.

59

[489]

87

88

89

90

PHILO

εὕροι παρ᾽ ἑτέροις μᾶλλον ἔ ἔργῳ βεβαιούμενον' | καὶ μήποτ᾽ εἰκότως: ὅσα γὰρ ἂν μεθ' ἡμέραν ἐργασά- μενοι λάβωσιν ἐπὶ μισθῷ, ταῦτ᾽ οὐκ ἴδια φυλάτ- τουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς μέσον προτιθέντες κοινὴν τοῖς ἐθέλουσι χρῆσθαι τὴν ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν παρασκευάζουσιν ὠφέλειαν. οἵ τε νοσοῦντες οὐχ ὅτι πορίζειν ἀδυ- νατοῦσιν ἀμελοῦνται, τὰ πρὸς τὰς νοσηλείας ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν ἔχοντες ἐν ἑτοίμῳ, ὡς μετὰ πάσης ἀδείας ἐξ ἀφθονωτέρων ἀναλίσκειν. αἰδὼς δ᾽ ἐστὶ πρε- σβυτέρων καὶ φροντίς, οἷα γονέων ὑπὸ γνησίων παίδων χερσὶ καὶ διανοίαις μυρίαις ἐν ἀφθονίᾳ τῇ πάσῃ γηροτροφουμένων. XIII. τοιού- τους ἡ δίχα περιεργίας ᾿Βλληνικῶν ὀνομάτων ἀθ- λητὰς ἀρετῆς ἀπεργάζεται φιλοσοφία, “γυμνάσματα προτιθεῖσα τὰς ἐπαινετὰς πράξεις, ἐξ ὧν ἡ ἀδούλω- τος ἐλευθερία βεβαιοῦται. σημεῖον δέ: πολλῶν κατὰ καιροὺς ἐπαναστάντων τῇ χώρᾳ δυναστῶν καὶ φύσεσι καὶ προαιρέσεσι χρησαμένων διαφερούσαις ot μὲν γὰρ πρὸς τὸ ἀτίθασον ἀγριότητα θηρίων ἐκνικῆσαι σπουδάσαντες, οὐδὲν παραλιπόντες τῶν εἰς ὠμότητα, τοὺς ὑπηκόους ἀγεληδὸν ἱερεύοντες ἢ καὶ ζῶντας ἔτι μαγείρων τρόπον κατὰ μέρη καὶ μέλη κρεουργοῦντες ἄχρι τοῦ τὰς αὐτὰς ὑπομεῖναι συμφορὰς ὑπὸ τῆς τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἐφορώσης δίκης οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο: οὗ δὲ τὸ παρακεκινημένον καὶ λελυττηκὸς εἰς ἑτέρας εἶδος κακίας μεθαρμοσά-

α γνήσιος is here used of children, not as usual in antithesis to νόθος, but in the literal as opposed to the figurative sense. So too in Legatio 62, 71, the behaviour of a father-in-law to his son-in-law is as good as if he were the γνήσιος πατήρ. So

60

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 86-90

roof, life and board more firmly established in actual practice. And that is no more than one would expect. For all the wages which they earn in the day’s work they do not keep as their private property, but throw them into the common stock and allow the benefit thus accruing to be shared by those who wish to use it. The sick are not neglected because 87 they cannot provide anything, but have the cost of their treatment lying ready in the common stock, so that they can meet expenses out of the greater wealth in full security. To the elder men too is given the respect and care which real? children give to their parents, and they receive from countless hands and minds a full and generous maintenance for their latter years. XIII. Such are the athletes 88 of virtue produced by a philosophy free from the pedantry of Greek wordiness, a philosophy which sets its pupils to practise themselves in laudable actions, by which the liberty which can never be enslaved is firmly established. Here we have a proof. 89 Many are the potentates who at various occasions have raised themselves to power over the country. They differed both in nature and the line of conduct which they followed. Some of them carried their zest for outdoing wild beasts in ferocity to the point of savagery. They left no form of cruelty untried. They slaughtered their subjects wholesale, or like cooks carved them piecemeal and limb by limb whilst still alive, and did not stay their hands till justice who surveys human affairs visited them with the same calamities. Others transformed this wild frenzy into 90 another kind of viciousness. Their conduct showed

too in Spec. Leg. iv. 184 of the behaviour of a ruler to his subjects. 61

PHILO

μενοι, πικρίαν ἄλεκτον ἐπιτηδεύσαντες, ἡσυχῇ δια- λαλοῦντες, ἠρεμαιοτέρας φωνῆς ὑποκρίσει βαρύμηνι ἦθος ἐπιδεικνύμενοι, κυνῶν ἰοβόλων τρόπον προσ- σαίνοντες, ἀνιάτων γενόμενοι κακῶν αἴτιοι, κατὰ πόλεις μνημεῖα τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀσεβείας καὶ μισαν- θρωπίας ἀπέλιπον τὰς τῶν πεπονθότων ἀλήστους

91 συμφορα----, ἀλλὰ “γὰρ οὐδεὶς οὔτε τῶν σφόδρα ὠμοθύμων οὔτε τῶν πάνυ δολερῶν καὶ ὑπούλων ἴσχυσε τὸν λεχθέντα τῶν ᾿σσαίων ἢ ὁσίων ὅμιλον αἰτιάσασθαι, πάντες δὲ ἀσθενέστεροι τῆς τῶν ἀνδρῶν καλοκἀγαθίας, γενόμενοι καθάπερ αὐτονό- μοις καὶ ἐλευθέροις οὖσιν ἐκ φύσεως προσηνέχθη- σαν, ἄδοντες αὐτῶν τὰ συσσίτια καὶ τὴν παντὸς λόγου κρείττονα κοινωνίαν, 7 βίου τελείου καὶ σφόδρα εὐδαίμονός ἐστι σαφέστατον δεῖγμα.

92 XIV. Χρὴ δ᾽, ἐπειδὴ τὰς ἐν τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἀρετὰς οὐκ οἴονταί τινες εἶναι τελείας, ἀλλ᾽ ἄχρι συναυξή- σεως καὶ ἐπιδόσεως αὐτὸ μόνον ἵστασθαι, μάρτυρας βίους τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν παραγαγεῖν,

98 οὗ σαφέσταται πίστεις ἐλευθερίας εἰσί. Ἰζάλανος ἦν ᾿Ινδὸς γένος τῶν γυμνοσοφιστῶν' οὗτος καρτε-

[460] ρικώτατος τῶν KAT αὐτὸν ἁπάντων | νομισθεὶς οὐ μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγχωρίων ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλοφύλων,

δὴ σπανιώτατόν ἐστιν, ἐχθρῶν βασιλέων ἐθαυ- μάσθη, λόγοις ἐπαινετοῖς σπουδαῖα ἔργα συνυφήνας.

94 ᾿Αλέξανδρος γοῦν ὁ Μακεδὼν βουλόμενος ἐπιδείξα- σθαι τῇ “Ἑλλάδι τὴν ἐν τῇ βαρβάρῳ σοφίαν, καθάπερ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχετύπου γραφῆς ἀπεικόνισμα καὶ μίμημα, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παρεκάλει ζάλανον συν- αποδημῆσαι, μέγιστον περιποιήσοντα κλέος (ἐν

95 ὅλῃ ᾿Ασίᾳ καὶ ὅλῃ Εὐρώπῃ. ws δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπειθεν,

62

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 90-95

intense bitterness, but they talked with calmness, though the mask of their milder language failed to conceal their rancorous disposition. They fawned like venomous hounds yet wrought evils irremediable and left behind them throughout the cities the un- forgettable sufferings of their victims as monuments of their impiety and inhumanity. Yet none of these, 9] neither the extremely ferocious nor the deep-dyed treacherous dissemblers, were able to lay a charge against this congregation of Essenes or holy ones here described. Unable to resist the high excellence of these people, they all treated them as self- governing and freemen by nature and extolled their communal meals and that ineffable sense of fellow- ship, which is the clearest evidence of a perfect and supremely happy life.

XIV. But since some consider that the virtues of 92 large bodies are never perfect, but merely grow and improve and then come to a halt, we must cite as evidence the lives of good individual men, which are the clearest proof of the existence of liberty. Calanus 93 was an Indian by birth of the school of the gymno- sophists. Regarded as possessed of endurance more than any of his contemporaries, by combining virtuous actions with laudable words he gained the admiration, not only of his fellow countrymen, but of men of other races, and, what is most singular of all, of enemy sovereigns. Thus Alexander of Macedon, wishing to 94 exhibit to the Grecian world a specimen of the bar- barians’ wisdom, like a copy reproducing the original picture, began by urging Calanus to travel with him from India with the prospect of winning high fame in the whole of Asia and the whole of Europe ; and 95

@ On §§ 89-91 see App. p. 515. 63

96

PHILO

ἀναγκάσειν ἔφη συνακολουθεῖν: 6 δὲ εὐθυβόλως πάνυ καὶ εὐγενῶς “᾿ τίνος οὖν ᾽᾿ εἶπεν “ ἄξιόν με τοῖς “Ἑλλησιν ἐπιδείξεις, ᾿Αλέξανδρε, εἴ γε ἀναγ- κασθήσομαι ποιεῖν ἃ μὴ βούλομαι; ᾿ dap οὐ γέμων μὲν παρρησίας ὁ λόγος, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐλευθερίας" ὁ ὁ νοῦς; ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ ἐν τοῖς βεβαιο- τέροις φωνῶν γράμμασιν ἤθους ἀδουλώτου τύπους

ἐστηλίτευσεν ἀριδήλους. μηνύει δὲ ἡ πεμφθεῖσα

ἐπιστολὴ τῷ βασιλεῖ:

“Κάλανος ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ

Φίλοι πείθουσί σε χεῖρας καὶ ἀνάγκην προσ- φέρειν ᾿νδῶν φιλοσόφοις οὐδ᾽ ἐν ὕπνοις ἑωρακότες ἡμέτερα ἔργα. σώματα μὲν γὰρ μετοίσεις ἐκ τόπου εἰς τόπον, ψυχὰς δὲ οὐκ ἀναγκάσεις ποιεῖν ἃ μὴ βούλονται μᾶλλον ἢ πλίνθους καὶ ξύλα φωνὴν ἀφεῖναι. πῦρ μεγίστους τοῖς ζῶσι σώμασι πόνους καὶ φθορὰν ἐργάζεται: τούτου ὑπεράνω ἡμεῖς γινό- μεθα, ζῶντες καιόμεθα. οὐκ ἔστι βασιλεὺς οὐδὲ ἄρχων, ὃς ἀναγκάσει ἡμᾶς ποιεῖν ἃ μὴ προαιρού- μεθα. “Ἑλλήνων δὲ φιλοσόφοις οὐκ ἐξομοιούμεθα, ὅσοι αὐτῶν εἰς πανήγυριν λόγους ἐμελέτησαν, ἀλλὰ λόγοις ἔργα παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀκόλουθα καὶ ἔργοις λόγοι βραχεῖαν" ἔχουσι δύναμιν καὶ μακαριότητα

1 MSS. παρρησίας.

2 M has βραχεῖς ἄλλην. The evidently defective text of this sentence must be judged in the light of Ambrose’s para- phrase. Ambrose, whose version of the letter in Hp. 37 is very close till the end, closes with ‘‘ nobis res sociae verbis et verba rebus: res celeres et sermones breves: in virtute nobis libertas beata est.’’ From this Cohn suggests after ἔργοις λόγοι, (ἔργα μὲν ταχέα καὶ λόγοι» βραχεῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἔχουσι δύναμιν, κτλ. The difficulty I find in this is that it ignores

64

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 95-96

when he failed to persuade him declared that he would compel him to follow him. Calanus’s reply was as noble as it was apposite. “‘ What shall I be worth to you, Alexander, for exhibiting to the Greeks if I am compelled to do what I do not wish to do? ”’ What a wealth of frankness there is in the words and far more of freedom in the thought. But more durable than his spoken are his written words and in these he set on record clear signs of a spirit which could not be enslaved. The letter he sent to Alex- 96 ander runs thus :—

“ Calanus to Alexander

Your friends urge you to apply violence and compulsion to the philosophers of India. These friends, however, have never even in their dreams seen what we do. Bodies you will transport from place to place, but souls you will not compel to do what they will not do, any more than force bricks or sticks to talk. Fire causes the greatest trouble and ruin to living bodies: we are superior to this: we burn ourselves alive.* There is no king, no ruler, who will compel us to do what we do not freely wish to do. We are not like those philosophers of the Greeks, who practise words for a festal assembly. With us deeds accord with words and words with deeds. Deeds pass swiftly and words have short-lived power :

* Cf. De Abr. 182, where it is stated that the gymnosophists burn themselves at the outset of old age. Calanus is said to have ended his life in this way. See App. p. 516. Ambrose’s ‘‘ in virtute.”’ I tentatively suggest and have translated (épya μὲν ταχέα καὶ λόγοι) βραχεῖαν ἔχουσι δύναμιν' (ἀρεταὶ ἡμῖν) καὶ μακαριότητα καὶ ἐλευθερίαν περιποιοῦνται (this

VOL. IX F 65

PHILO

97 KGL ἐλευθερίαν περιποιοῦντες. ᾿ ἐπὶ δὴ τοιαύταις ἀποφάσεσι καὶ γνώμαις ἄρ᾽ οὐκ ἄξιον τὸ Ζηνώνειον ἐπιφωνῆσαι, ὅτι ᾿ θᾶττον ἂν ἀσκὸν βαπτίσαι τις πλήρη πνεύματος ἢ βιάσαιτο τῶν σπουδαίων ὁντινοῦν ἄκοντα δρᾶσαί τι τῶν ἀβουλή- των᾿᾽; ἀνένδοτος γὰρ ψυχὴ καὶ ἀήττητος, ἣν ὁ ὀρθὸς λόγος δόγμασι παγίοις ἐνεύρωσε.

9. XV. Τῆς δὲ σπουδαίων ἐλευθερίας μάρτυρές εἰσι ποιηταὶ καὶ συγγραφεῖς, ὧν ταῖς γνώμαις Ἕλληνες ὁμοῦ καὶ βάρβαροι σχεδὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν σπαργάνων ἐντρεφόμενοι ελτιοῦνται τὰ ἤθη, πᾶν ὅσον ἐξ ὑπαιτίου τροφῆς καὶ διαίτης ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς κεκιβδήλευται μεταχαραττόμενοι πρὸς τὸ δόκιμον.

99 ἴδε γοῦν οἷα παρ᾽ Ἐὐριπίδῃ φησὶν ὁ Ἡρακλῆς"

| “ πίμπρα, κάταιθε σά ἐμπλήσθητί μου [461 | “ πίμπρα, κάταιθε σάρκας, ἐμπλήσθητί μ πίνων κελαινὸν αἷμα" πρόσθε γὰρ κάτω γῆς εἶσιν ἄστρα γῆ τ᾽ ἀνεισ᾽ εἰς αἰθέρα, \ A “ A d πρὶν ἐξ ἐμοῦ σοι θῶπ᾽ ἀπαντῆσαι Adyov.”’

“- \ 3 ’ Ἁ \ 4 \ e ’ τῷ γὰρ ὄντι θωπεία μὲν καὶ κολακεία καὶ ὑπό- 9 Φ ’ κρισις, ἐν οἷς λόγοι γνώμαις διαμάχονται, δουλο- πρεπέστατα, τὸ δὲ ἀνόθως καὶ γνησίως ἐκ καθαροῦ ~ ~ e ’ τοῦ συνειδότος ἐλευθεροστομεῖν εὐγενέσιν ἁρμόττον. 100 πάλιν τὸν αὐτὸν σπουδαῖον οὐχ ὁρᾷς, . 80." ’ ,ὔ > κυ ὅτι οὐδὲ πωλούμενος θεράπων εἶναι δοκεῖ, κατα- ’ὔ A Ἁ πλήττων τοὺς ὁρῶντας, ὡς οὐ μόνον ἐλεύθερος ὧν last is read by two MSS. for περιποιοῦντες) The similar ending of δύναμιν and ἡμῖν would facilitate the loss of ἀρεταὶ

ἡμῖν. At the same time it is true that the βραχεῖς of M fits better with Ambrose’s “‘ breves.”” See also App. p. 516.

* Or if Cohn’s reconstruction (see note 2, pp. 64-66) is pre- 66

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 96-100

virtues secure to us blessedness and freedom.’ ὦ

Protestations and judgements like these 97 may well bring to our lips the saying of Zeno: ‘* Sooner will you sink an inflated bladder than com- pel any virtuous man to do against his will anything that he does not wish.” For never will that soul surrender or suffer defeat which right reason has braced with principles firmly held.

XV. The freedom of the virtuous is also vouched 98 for by the poets and prose writers, in whose thoughts Greeks and barbarians alike are reared almost from the cradle, and so gain improvement of character and restamp into sterling coin every bit of metal in their souls which has been debased by a faulty upbringing and mode of life. See, for instance, what Heracles 99 says in Euripides :

Burn me, consume my flesh, and drink thy fill Of my dark blood ; for sooner shall the stars

Go ’neath the earth and earth go up to sky Ere thou shalt from my lips meet fawning word.?

For in very truth, fawning and flattery and dis- sembling, in which the words are at war with the thought, are utterly slavish. But freedom of speech, genuine without taint of bastardy, and proceeding from a pure conscience, befits the nobly born. Again, observe how this same man of 100 worth, even when put up for sale, seems to be no menial, but strikes awe into the beholders, who feel

ferred, ‘“‘ Our deeds are swift and our words short; but they have power, securing for us blessedness and freedom.” For the suggested reconstruction translated above see same note.

> This is the fourth time that this passage is quoted by Philo, the other three being Leg. All. iii. 202, De Tos. 78, and § 25 above. On the source of the quotation see App. p. 516.

67

PHILO

3 A A A e

101 ἀλλὰ καὶ δεσπότης ἐσόμενος τοῦ πριαμένου; ὁ A ς A , ’ 3 a\/ ?

γοῦν “Ἑρμῆς πυνθανομένῳ μέν, εἰ φαῦλός ἐστιν,

9 ’ QATTOK PLVETQL*

“ἥκιστα φαῦλος, ἀλλὰ πᾶν τοὐναντίον

πρὸς σχῆμα σεμνὸς Kov ταπεινὸς οὐδ᾽ ἄγαν EY e 5 A > \ \ \

εὔογκος ws ἂν δοῦλος, ἀλλὰ Kal στολὴν

90. 7 A A ’ ’

ἰδόντι λαμπρὸς καὶ ξύλῳ δραστήριος.

> \ > 9 3 ’᾽ 3 ’ οὐδεὶς δ᾽ ἐς οἴκους δεσπότας ἀμείνονας

e A ’ ’ \ > 3 ~ αὑτοῦ πρίασθαι βούλεται: σὲ δ᾽ εἰσορῶν πᾶς τις δέδοικεν. ὄμμα γὰρ πυρὸς γέμεις,

A 4 e ’ A 3 ’ὔ’ 2) ταῦρος λέοντος ὡς βλέπων πρὸς ἐμβολήν.

εἶτ᾽ ἐπιλέγει"

¢

$7.9 4 > 7 1 a τό γ᾽ εἶδος αὐτό cou’ κατηγορεῖ σιγῶντος, ὡς εἴης ἂν οὐχ ὑπήκοος,

τάσσειν δὲ μᾶλλον ἢ ᾿πιτάσσεσθαι θέλοις.᾽᾽

102 ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ πριαμένου Συλέως εἰς ἀγρὸν ἐπέμφθη, διέδειξεν ἔργοις τὸ τῆς φύσεως ἀδούλωτον" τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἄριστον τῶν ἐκεῖ ταύρων καταθύσας Διὶ

4 9 A \ > > 3 ὔ πρόφασιν εὐωχεῖτο, πολὺν δ᾽ οἶνον ἐκφορήσας

103 ἀθρόον εὖ μάλα κατακλιθεὶς ἠκρατίζετο. Συλεῖ δὲ ἀφικομένῳ καὶ δυσανασχετοῦντι ἐπί τε τῇ βλάβῃ καὶ τῇ τοῦ θεράποντος ῥαθυμίᾳ καὶ τῇ

1 mss. τὸ εἶδος αὐτοῦ οὐ (or οὗ). Cohn prints the last two words as above, but leaves the equally unmetrical τὸ εἶδος though he expresses high approval of the correction (Elmsley’s) to τό γ᾽.

68

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 100-103

that he is not only free, but will become the master of his purchaser. % Hermes, for example, in answer 10] to the question whether Heracles is worthless says :

Worthless ? far from it, quite the contrary: His bearing’s dignified, no meanness here,

Not slave-like overstocked with fat, and look How smart his dress—and he can wield a club.

To which the other replies :

Who wants to buy a stronger than himself, And bring him home as master of the house? It fairly frightens one to look at you,

Eyes full of fire—you look just like a bull Watching a lion’s onset.

Then he continues:

Your looks alone are evidence enough, Though you say nothing, that you won’t obey— Giving, not taking, orders is your line.

And when Syleus after buying him, sent him into his 102 estate, he showed by his actions that there was nothing of the slave in his nature. For he killed the finest bull in the stud, nominally as a sacrifice to Zeus, and feasted on it, and then brought out a great quantity of wine and lying there very comfortably drank it in huge draughts. When Svyleus arrived, 103 very indignant both at the loss of his property, and at his servant’s easy-going and excessively disdainful

¢ This passage from a Satyric drama of Euripides evi- dently gives a different version from that in Apollodorus ii. 6. 2, in which Heracles having murdered Iphitus has to expiate his crime by three years servitude and accordingly is sold by Hermes to Omphale. During this servitude he kills Syleus, who used to compel strangers to dig in his

vineyard. See further App. p. 516. 69

PHILO

A ’ \ 4 A 4 4 περιττῇ καταφρονήσει μηδὲν μήτε τῆς χρόας μήτε ὧν ἔπραττε μεταβαλὼν εὐτολμότατά φησι"

‘ 4 \ 4 3 4 4

κλίθητι καὶ πίωμεν, ἐν τούτῳ δέ μου

\ A 9 \ 4 9 3 4 μή ) τὴν πεῖραν εὐθὺς λάμβαν᾽, εἰ κρείσσων ἔσῃ.

~ S / A nv , 9 104 τοῦτον οὖν πότερον δοῦλον ἢ κύριον ἀποφαντέον

[462] 105

106

107

~ 4 \ / 9 4 9 \ \ τοῦ δεσπότου, μὴ μόνον ἀπελευθεριάζειν ἀλλὰ Kat “A > 9 ἐπιτάγματα ἐπιτάττειν τῷ κτησαμένῳ Kal εἰ ἀφη- 4 4 \ 4 3 \ \ θ Α νιάζοι τύπτειν καὶ προπηλακίζειν, εἰ δὲ καὶ βοηθοὺς ἐπάγοιτο, πάντας ἄρδην ἀπολλύναι τολμῶντα; γέ- ΚΑ. ; Aws οὖν ἂν εἴη καὶ φλυαρία πολλὴ τὰ κατὰ τὰς “ > a λεγομένας ὠνὰς γράμματα, ἐπειδὰν TH καθ᾽ ὧν γράφεται παρευημερηθῇ σθεναρωτέρᾳ δυνάμει, χαρ- τιδίων ἀγράφων ἀκυρότερα, ὑπὸ σέων ἢ χρόνου 7 εὐρῶτος εἰς ἅπαν διαφθαρησόμενα. > 3 A 4 \ A e 4 XVI. | °AAA’ οὐ χρή, φήσει τις, τὰς τῶν ἡρώων Ul 3 > 4 δ \ παράγειν εἰς πίστιν ἀρετάς" μείζους yap ἢ κατὰ 9 ’ ’ 4 ? 4 e A ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν γενομένους ᾿Ολυμπίοις ἁμιλλᾶ- σθαι, μικτῆς γενέσεως, ἀθανάτων καὶ θνητῶν > ἀνακραθέντων σπερμάτων, ἐπιλαχόντας, ἡμιθέους εἰκότως προσαγορευθέντας, τοῦ θνητοῦ μίγματος ὑπὸ τῆς ἀφθάρτου μερίδος κατακρατηθέντος, ὡς μηδὲν εἶναι παράδοξον, εἰ τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς δουλείαν A \ τεχναζόντων ὠλιγώρουν. ἔστω ταῦτα.. μὴ Kal 3 4 a\ ’ εἐ» 4 Ψ Ἃ 2 ~ Ανάξαρχος ἢ Ζήνων ὁ ᾿Βλεάτης ἥρωες 7) ἐκ θεῶν; 9 > «& e \ , > 4 \ \ v4 ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ὑπὸ τυράννων ὠμοθύμων Kal THY φύσιν “- 4 A > 9 a πικρῶν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐκθηριωθέντων ’ στρεβλούμενοι κεκαινουργημέναις αἰκίαις, ὥσπερ 9 9 “A ἀλλότρια ἢ ἐχθρῶν ἐπιφερόμενοι σώματα, μάλα “- 3 “A ~ καταφρονητικῶς ἡἠλόγουν τῶν φοβερῶν. τὴν yap 70

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 108-106

behaviour, Heracles did not change colour a whit, nor make any difference in what he was doing, but said with the utmost boldness :

Lie down and let us drink and have a try At once, who’ll do it better, you or I.

How then must we describe his standing with his master? Is he slave or lord, he who dares not only to take these liberties, but even to issue orders to his owner, ready to beat him and knock him about if he shows resistance, or if he calls others to his aid to annihilate them altogether! Surely then these title- deeds, which record the so-called purchases, are just a laughing-stock and a mass of nonsense, when they are put out of court by the superior force of those against whom they are drawn up, less valid even than blank sheets of paper and destined to perish utterly, through moths, or time, or mildew.

XVI. But it is not fair, an objector will say, to cite the achievements of the heroes as evidence. They have a greatness above human nature ; they vie with the Olympians and as inheritors of a mixed parentage, a blend of mortal and immortal seed, are rightly called demigods, because the mortal ingredient is overpowered by the immortal part, so that there is nothing extraordinary in their contempt for those

104

105

who plan to enslave them. Be it so! But what of 106

Anaxarchus or Zeno the Eleatic? Are they heroes or the offspring of gods ? Nevertheless in the hands of cruel-hearted tyrants, naturally bitter and stirred to still greater ferocity by anger with them, though racked with strange and ingeniously invented tor- tures, they behaved as though the bodies in which they lay belonged to strangers or enemies, and with high disdain set the terrors of the tormentors at

71

PHILO

ψυχὴν ἐθίσαντες ἐξ ἀρχῆς δι᾽ ἐπιστήμης ἔρωτα τῆς μὲν πρὸς τὰ πάθη κοινωνίας ἀφίστασθαι, παιδείας δὲ καὶ σοφίας περιέχεσθαι, μετανάστιν μὲν σώματος εἰργάσαντο, φρονήσει δὲ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἀλ- 108 λαις ἐρεταῖς σύνοικον ἀπέφηναν. τοιγαροῦν ὁ μὲν κρεμάμενος καὶ κατατεινόμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ τι τῶν ἀρρήτων ἐκλαλῆσαι, πυρὸς καὶ σιδήρου, τῶν ἐν τῇ φύσει κραταιοτάτων, φανεὶς δυνατώτερος, ἀποτρα- γὼν τοῖς ὀδοῦσι τὴν γλῶτταν εἰς τὸν βασανιστὴν ἠκόντισεν, ἵνα μηδ᾽ ἄκων ἃ καλὸν ἡσυχάζειν 109 φθέγξηται βιασθείς. ὁ δὲ τλητικώτατα εἶπε' πτίσσε τὸν ᾿Αναξάρχου ἀσκόν' ᾿Ανάξαρχον γὰρ

οὐκ ἂν δύναιο. αὗται γέμουσαι θράσους αἱ εὐτολμίαι τὴν ἡρωϊκὴν εὐγένειαν οὐ μετρίως ὑπερβάλλουσι," διότι τοῖς μὲν τὸ κλέος ἐν τοῖς φυτεύσασιν ἀκούσιον, τῶν δ᾽ ἐν ἑκουσίοις ἀρεταῖς,

at τοὺς ἀδόλως χρωμένους ἀθανατίζειν πεφύκασι. 10 «6 XVII. adaoras οἶδα καὶ παγκρατιαστὰς πολ- λάκις ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ νικᾶν σπουδῆς, ἀπαγορευόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν σωμάτων, μόνῃ ψυχῇ διαπνέοντας ἔτι καὶ διαθλοῦντας, ἣν ἐθίσαντες καταφρονητικῶς ἐ ἔχειν τῶν φοβερῶν ἐγκαρτεροῦσιν 111 ἄχρι τῆς τοῦ tou τελευτῆς. εἶτ᾽ οἰόμε α τοὺς μὲν ἀσκητὰς τῆς ἐν σώμασιν εὐτονίας ἐπιβεβηκέναι φόβῳ θανάτου ἢ δι᾽ ἐλπίδα νίκης ἢ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ

1 So mss. except M which has κρινόμενος (so Cohn). 2 mss. ὑπερβάλλουσαι.

¢ The same story is told of Zeno in Diogenes Laertius ix. φῇ, and also of Anaxarchus, zbzd. 59.

> Yor this story see Diogenes Laertius ix. 59, where the word for the thing pounded is θύλακος (“ἡ bag ’’ or “ὁ pouch’). By this is meant the body as being the bag containing the

72

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 107-111

nought. Tor having inured the soul from the first to 107 hold aloof through love of knowledge from association with the passions, and to cleave to culture and wisdom, they set it wandering away from the body and brought it to make its home with wisdom and courage and the other virtues. So it was that Zeno 108 when suspended and stretched on the wheel, to make him tell something which should not be disclosed, showed himself mightier than the strongest things in nature, fire and iron. He gnawed off his tongue and shot it at the torturer, lest under violence he should involuntarily utter what honour would leave un- spoken.* Anaxarchus’s speech showed the staunchest 109 endurance. ‘‘ Pound Anaxarchus’s skin,” he said,

‘‘ Anaxarchus you cannot pound.”® These examples

of true courage, full of the spirit of defiance, have a value far exceeding the inherited nobleness of the heroes. Their glory belongs to their parentage and

is not of their own volition. The glory of the philo- sophers rests upon achievements of virtue, freely willed by themselves, and these being what they are, immortalize those who practise them in sincerity.

XVII. I know many cases of wrestlers and pan- 110 cratiasts so full of ambition and eagerness for victory that though their bodies have lost their strength, they renew their vigour and continue their athletic efforts with nothing to help them but the soul, which they have inured to despise terrors, and in this they per- severe to their last gasp. Then, if those who exercise their bodily vigour have surmounted the fear of death whether in the hope of victory or to avoid seeing themselves defeated, can we suppose that those

μ--

1]

soul and ἀσκός here may mean the same rather than the skin in the literal sense.

13

PHILO

\ Ou iy 9 ὃ A A δὲ \ 93 A τὴν ἰδίαν ἧτταν ἐπιδεῖν, τοὺς δὲ τὸν ἀόρατον νοῦν 4 A “A 3 γυμνάζοντας ἐν ἑαυτοῖς, ὃς ἀψευδῶς ἀνθρωπός 3 > > ἐστιν οἶκον ἐπιφερόμενος TO αἰσθητὸν εἶδος, καὶ | 4 \ A > 4 ” \ ~ > “-. [468] λόγοις μὲν τοῖς ἐκ φιλοσοφίας ἔργοις δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς 3 λ “ 3 ς λ θ , 29 λ ,ὔ 3 ἀλείφοντας οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἐθελήσειν ἀπο- 4 e θνήσκειν, ἵν’ ἐν ἀδουλώτῳ φρονήματι τὴν etpap- 4 > 4 9 ~ e “~ 4 112 μένην ἀνύσωσι πορείαν; ἐν ἀγῶνί φασιν ἱερῷ δύο \ > \ ἀθλητὰς ἰσορρόπῳ κεχρημένους ἀλκῇ, τὰ αὐτὰ ,ὔ ἀντιδρῶντάς τε καὶ ἀντιπάσχοντας, μὴ πρότερον ἀπειπεῖν ἢ ἑκάτερον τελευτῆσαι.

¢ 4 / \ \ 4 3) δαιμόνιε, φθίσει σε τὸ σὸν μένος,

113 εἴποι τις ἂν ἐπὶ τῶν τοιούτων. ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὖν κοτίνων μὲν χάριν καὶ σελίνων εὐκλεὴς ἀγωνισταῖς ἡ τελευτή, σοφοῖς δὲ οὐ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐλευθερίας, ἧς ὁ πόθος ταῖς ψυχαῖς μόνον, εἰ δεῖ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, ἐνίδρυται καθάπερ τι μέρος ἡνωμένον οὐ τῶν ἐπι- τυχόντων, οὗ διακοπέντος ἅπασαν τὴν κοινωνίαν 114 φθείρεσθαι συμβέβηκε; Λακωνικοῦ παιδὸς ἄᾷδεται παρ᾽ οἷς ἔθος ἰχνηλατεῖν ἀρετὰς τὸ ἐκ γένους ἢ φύσεως ἀδούλωτον: ἐπειδὴ γὰρ αἰχμάλωτος ἀπαχ- θεὶς ὑπό τινος τῶν ᾿Αντιγόνου τὰς μὲν ἐλευθέρας χρείας ὑπέμενε, ταῖς δὲ δουλικαῖς ἠναντιοῦτο φά- σκων οὐχὶ δουλεύσειν, καίτοι μήπω τοῖς Λυκούργου νόμοις παγίως ἐντραφῆναι διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν δυνη- θείς, ὅτι μόνον αὐτῶν ἐγεύσατο, τοῦ παρόντος ἀβιώτου βίου θάνατον εὐτυχέστερον κρίνας, ἀπο- γνοὺς ἀπολύτρωσιν, ἄσμενος ἑαυτὸν διεχρήσατο.

α Jl. vi. 407. » 4,6. Antigonus Doson, who conquered Sparta 221 8.0.

74.

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 111-115

who drill the invisible mind within them, the veritable man, housed within the form which the senses per- ceive,—those who train it with words of philosophy and deeds of virtue will not be willing to die for their freedom and so complete their appointed pilgrimage with a spirit that defies enslavement! It is told of 112 two athletes in a sacred contest how possessed of equal strength, each offensive taken by the one returned in equal measure by the other, they never flagged until both fell dead. “ Ah! then thy own prowess will destroy thee,’ ® are words which will apply to such as these. Surely then if to die for a 113 garland of wild olive or parsley is a glory to the rivals in the arena, a far greater glory is it to the wise to die for freedom, the love of which stands in very truth implanted in the soul like nothing else, not as a casual adjunct but an essential part of its unity, and cannot be amputated without the whole system being destroyed as the result. Students who investigate 114 examples of high excellence sing the praises of the Laconian boy, to whom race or his own nature gave a spirit which would not brook enslavement. Carried into captivity by one of Antigonus’s ὃ people, he sub- mitted to such tasks as became a freeman, but stood out against those of a slavish kind, declaring that he would not be aslave. And although by reason of his tender years he had not received the solid nutrition of the laws of Lycurgus, yet from his mere taste of them, he judged that death was a happier lot than his present valueless life, and despairing of ransom gladly put an end to himself.° There is also the story 115

¢ The same story is told by Sen. Ep. 77 with the same moral. According to Seneca he killed himself by knocking his head against the wall.

mes)

PHILO

115 λέγεται δὲ καὶ πρὸς Μακεδόνων ἁλούσας Aap- δανίδας γυναῖκας αἴσχιστον κακὸν δουλείαν ὑπολαβούσας οὗς ἐκουροτρόφουν παῖδας εἰς τὸ βαθύτατον τοῦ ποταμοῦ ῥίπτειν ἐπιφωνούσας" { 55 > e aA 9 4 \ 9 +

ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖς γε ov δουλεύσετε, πρὶν ὃ ἄρξασθαι βίου βαρυδαίμονος, τὸ χρεὼν ἐπιτεμόντες ἐλεύ- θεροι τὴν ἀναγκαίαν καὶ πανυστάτην ὁδὸν περαιώ-

116 σεσθε.᾿ ἸΪ]ολυξένην δὲ ὁ τραγικὸς Εὐριπίδης 3 “ὠ \ 4 ’ὔ Α΄ 9 4 ἀλογοῦσαν μὲν θανάτου φροντίζουσαν δὲ ἐλευθερίας εἰσάγει Ov ὧν φησιν:

᾿ ἑκοῦσα θνήσκω, μή τις ἅψηται χροὸς τοὐμοῦ" παρέξω γὰρ δέρην εὐκαρδίως, 9 ’ὔ ’ > e 3 4 4 ἐλευθέραν δέ μ᾽, ws ἐλευθέρα θάνω, πρὸς θεῶν μεθέντες Kreivate.”’

117 XVIII. εἶτ᾽ οἰόμεθα γυναίοις μὲν καὶ μειρακίοις, ὧν τὰ μὲν φύσει ὀλιγόφρονα τὰ δὲ. ἡλικίᾳ εὐολίσθῳ χρώμενα, τοσοῦτον ἐλευθερίας ἔρωτα ἐντήκεσθαι, ὡς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ταύτην ἀφαιρε- θῆναι πρὸς θάνατον ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀθανασίαν ὁρμᾶν, τοὺς δὲ σοφίας ἀκράτου σπάσαντας οὐκ εὐθὺς ἐλευθέρους

[464] εἶναι, | πηγήν τινα εὐδαιμονίας τὴν ἀρετὴν (ἐν) ἑαυτοῖς περιφέροντας, ἣν ἐπίβουλος οὐδεμία πώ- ποτε δύναμις κατέζευξε τὸν ἀρχῆς καὶ βασιλείας

[18 ἔχουσαν αἰώνιον κλῆρον; ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ δήμους ὅλους ἀκούομεν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἅμα καὶ πίστεως τῆς πρὸς ἀποθανόντας εὐεργέτας αὐθαΐί- ρετον πανωλεθρίαν ὑποστάντας, ὥσπερ φασὶν οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ Ἐανθίους. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ εἷς τῶν ἐπι- θεμένων ᾿Ϊουλίῳ Καίσαρι, Βροῦτος, ἐπιὼν ἐπ᾽

* No reference is given for this story. Dardania is

76

EVERY GOOD MAN IS ΓΒΕΙΣ, 115-118

of the Dardanian women taken prisoners by the Macedonians, how holding slavery to be the worst disgrace they threw the children which they wete nurturing into the deepest part of the river, exclaim- ing, “ You at least shall not be slaves but ere you have begun your life of misery shall cut short your destined span and pass still free along the final road which all must tread.’”’* Polyxena, too, is described 116 by the tragedian Euripides as thinking little of death but much of her freedom when she says:

Willing I die, that none may touch my flesh— For I will give my throat with all my heart. In heaven’s name let me go free, then slay me That I may die still free.®

XVIII. Then can we suppose that while 117 women and lads, the former endowed by nature with little sense, the latter at so insecure an age, are imbued with so profound a love of liberty, that to save themselves from losing it they seek death as eagerly as if it were immortality—can we suppose, I say, that those who have drunk deep of wisdom undiluted can be anything but free—those who bear within them a well-spring of happiness in the high courage which no malignant force has. ever yet subdued because sovereignty and kingship is its everlasting heritage ?

Indeed we hear of whole populations 118 voluntarily suffering annihilation to safeguard their liberty and at the same time their good faith to dead benefactors. Such is the story told of the Xanthians in recent years. When one of the assassins of Julius Caesar, namely Brutus, marched with an army

apparently a vague term for part of Mysia (Dictionary of Geography). Ὁ Hecuba 548 ff. 17

ῬΗΠῸ.

αὐτοὺς ἐστράτευσε, δεδιότες οὐ πόρθησιν ἀλλὰ (δουλείαν τὴν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδροφόνου κτείναντος ἡγεμόνα καὶ εὐεργέτην--ἀμφότερα γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ ΚΚαῖσαρ--- ἀπεμάχοντο μὲν ἐφ᾽ ὅσον οἷοί τε ἦσαν δυνατῶς τὸ πρῶτον, ὑπαναλούμενοι δὲ ἐκ τοῦ κατ᾽ ὀλίγον ἔτ᾽

> A e \ Ld \ > \ > 4 119 ἀντεῖχον. ὡς δὲ ἅπασαν τὴν ἰσχὺν ἐδαπάνησαν,

\ A γύναια καὶ γονεῖς Kal τέκνα συνελάσαντες εἰς τὰς “- ’ σφῶν οἰκίας ἕκαστοι καθιέρευον: καὶ σωρηδὸν τὰ A 3 σφάγια νήσαντες, πῦρ ἐνέντες καὶ ἑαυτοὺς ἐπι- ’ > 4, A U4 > > 9 κατασφάξαντες, ἐλεύθεροι TO πεπρωμένον ἀπ᾽ ἐλευ-

120 θέρου καὶ εὐγενοῦς φρονήματος ἐξέπλησαν. ἀλλ᾽

12]

οὗτοι μὲν πικρίαν ἀμείλικτον τυραννικῶν ἐχθρῶν 5) , \ 3 ’ / \ > 9 4

ἀποδιδράσκοντες πρὸ ἀδόξου βίου Tov μετ᾽ εὐκλείας

A > “- θάνατον ἡροῦντο. οἷς δὲ ἐπέτρεπε ζῆν τὰ πράγ- 4 aA \ e

ματα τὰ τυχηρά, τλητικῶς ὑπέμενον τὴν ‘“Hpa- 4 > A

κλειον εὐτολμίαν ἀπομιμούμενοι" Kal yap ἐκεῖνος

τῶν Εὐρυσθέως ἐπιταγμάτων διεφάνη κρείττων.

ὁ γοῦν κυνικὸς φιλόσοφος Διογένης

ὕψει καὶ μεγέθει τοσούτῳ φρονήματος ἐχρήσατο, @ 3 ἐ Ἁ e A λ “- 3 \ λί \ 5A

ὥσθ᾽ ἁλοὺς ὑπὸ λῃστῶν, ἐπεὶ γλίσχρως καὶ μόλις

τὰς ἀναγκαίας αὐτῷ παρεῖχον τροφάς, οὔθ᾽ ὑπὸ

τῆς παρούσης τύχης γναμφθεὶς οὔτε τὴν ὠμότητα

τῶν ὑπηγμένων δείσας “᾿ ἀτοπώτατον οὖν ᾿᾿ ἔφη

66 / / \ “A 4 e / 4

γίνεται, δελφάκια μὲν ἢ προβάτια, ὁπότε μέλλοι

πιπράσκεσθαι, τροφαῖς ἐπιμελεστέραις πιαίνειν εἰς

εὐσαρκίαν, ζῴων δὲ τὸ ἄριστον, ἄνθρωπον, ἀσιτίαις

α The story is told at length by Appian, Bell. Civ. iv.

76-80. Ὁ The first of these stories about Diogenes, §§ 121 and 122, does not appear to be referred to elsewhere. Of the re-

78

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 118-121

against them, what they feared was not the sack of their city, but enslavement to a murderer, who had killed his own leader and benefactor, for Caesar had been both to him. As long as they could they fought 119 on and at first made a powerful defence, and while their numbers were gradually wasting away they still held out. But when their whole strength was spent, they drove their women and parents and children each to their several homes and there slaughtered them, and after piling the bodies in a heap fired it and slew themselves upon it, thus completing their allotted term as free men inspired by a free and noble resolu- tion.* Now these to escape the merciless cruelty of 120 tyrannical enemies chose death with honour in pre- ference to an inglorious life, but others whom the circumstances of their lot permitted to live, endured in patience, imitating the courage of Heracles, who proved himself superior to the tasks imposed by Eurystheus. ® Thus it was with the cynic 121 philosopher Diogenes. So great and lofty was his spirit, that when captured by robbers, who grudgingly provided him with the barest. minimum of food, still remained unmoved by his present position and had no fear of the cruelty of those who held him in their power. “It is surely very preposterous,”’ he said, ‘“ that while sucking pigs and sheep when they are going to be sold are fed up with greater care to make them fat and well favoured, man the best of animals should be reduced to a skeleton by want of food and partees in § 123 the first is given in Diogenes Laertius vi. 29 and in another setting δία. 74. The second repartee seems to be another form of that recorded in Diogenes Laertius vi. 74, where speaking of a certain Xeniades (elsewhere described

as a profligate), he said to the auctioneer “sell me to him, for he needs a master.” 79

PHILO

4

κατασκελετευθέντα Kal συνεχέσιν ἐνδείαις ἐπευωνί-

122 ζεσθαι. λαβὼν δὲ τροφὰς διαρκεῖς, ἐπειδὴ μεθ᾽ ¢ 7/ 3 ’ 3, > A

ἑτέρων αἰχμαλώτων ἔμελλεν ἀπεμπολεῖσθαι, καθ-

iaas πρότερον ἠρίστα par εὐθαρσῶς, ἐπιδιδοὺς

\ A λ “ εν» δὲ 3 e 4 1 LAAG

καὶ τοῖς πλησίον. ἑνὸς δὲ οὐχ UTOpEVOVTOS, ἀλλα

καὶ σφόδρα κατηφοῦντος, “᾿ οὐ παύσῃ τῆς συννοίας;

χρῶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ᾿᾿ ἔφη:

6¢ \ 4 9 2. Ὁ 4 > 7 4 καὶ yap τ᾽ ἠύκομος Νιόβη ἐμνήσατο σίτου, ~ A ,

τῇ περ δώδεκα παῖδες ἐνὶ μεγάροισιν ὄλοντο,

ΝΥ A 4 Δ > es e ’ὔ 2)

ἐξ μὲν θυγατέρες, ἕξ δ᾽ υἱέες ἡβώοντες.

128 oe , \ \ 63 ~ | εἶτ᾽ ἐπινεανιευόμενος πρὸς τὸν πυθόμενον τῶν [465] ὠνητικῶς ἐχόντων “τί οἶδας; " “ἄρχειν ᾿᾿ εἶπεν {. 5 θ ’ 3) μὴ ὃ θ e 3 ~ ~ \ ἀνθρώπων, ἔνδοθεν, ws ἔοικε, τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ

2r 10 A 3 A \ 4 \ e ἐλεύθερον καὶ εὐγενὲς καὶ φύσει βασιλικὸν ὑπη- , \ \ ~ χούσης. ἤδη δὲ Kal πρὸς χαριεντισμὸν ὑπὸ τῆς 7 2 , 2 39 Ὁ e »” 4 / συνήθους ἐκεχειρίας," ἐφ᾽ οἷς ot ἄλλοι συννοίας γέ- 124 μοντες κατήφουν, ἐτράπετο. λέγεται γοῦν, ὅτι θεασάμενός τινα τῶν ὠνουμένων, ὃν θήλεια νόσος

3 9 “A ” 3 3 \ ” εἶχεν, ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως οὐκ ἄρρενα προσελθὼν Edn’

1 So Cohn with M. The other mss. vary between οὐ λυπου- μένου ὄντος, οὐ μόνον λυπουμένου ὄντος and ov μόνον λυπουμένου. Cohn’s theory that the first form of these arose by mistaking the x of οὐχ for A, and that the others were later developed out of it, is probably right.

2 Cohn, who prints ἐφ᾽ ἡ for ἐφ᾽ οἷς, regards the passage or at least ἐκεχειρίας to be corrupt. I do not feel sure of this. The word is used coupled with ἄδεια and ἄνεσις in De Cher. 92 and De Sac. 23 and below, § 148. In De Conf. 165, where see note, we have ἡ τοῦ διαμαρτάνειν ἐκεχειρία. The extension of the word from a situation where restraint is removed to unrestrainedness as a quality in a man is not great. It would be difficult however to fit it in with ἐφ᾽ ἧ, unless it meant that the others were frightened at his cheeki-

80

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 122-124

constant privations and so fetch a lower price.”’"* He 122 then received adequate allowances of food and when

he was about to be brought to market with the other captives, he first sat down and took his dinner in the © highest spirits, and gave some of it to those near him.

To one of them who could not resign himself,’ and, indeed, was exceedingly dejected, he said, “ Stop this repining and make the best of things, for

E’en fair-haired Niobe took thought for food Though she had lost twelve children in the halls— Six daughters and six sons in prime of youth.” ¢

Then when one of the prospective purchasers asked 123 him what he was skilled at, he said with all boldness “at ruling men,” a reply which, showing freedom, nobility, and natural kingliness, was clearly dictated by the soul within him. Again we find him with his wonted licence making witticisms out of a situation which filled the others with melancholy and dejec- tion. It is said, for instance, that looking at one of 124 the purchasers, an addict to effeminacy, whose face showed that he had nothing of the male about him, he went up to him and said, “‘ You should buy me, for

@ See on 8 37.

® Or perhaps “‘ could not bring himself to accept the food,” which fits in better with the Homeric quotation. Cf. οὐχ ὑπέμειναν τὰς Swpéas “they scorned to accept the gifts’’ (quoted by L. & S. rev. from Isoc. iv. 94).

¢ Jl. xxiv. 602 ff.

ness, and I have adopted ἐφ᾽ οἷς (M) which has at least as good authority. We might expect τὰ ἐφ᾽ οἷς, but compare τῇ καθ᾽ dv γράφεται δυνάμει, ὃ 104. The most questionable thing about the interpretation which I have given is that it assumes that the middle ἐτράπετο can be used transitively, and though τρέπειν and τρέπεσθαι are in some ways inter- changeable, I have not found any exact parallel.

VOL. IX G 81

125

126

127

PHILO

{{ ’ ’ \ AY > A ’ὔ 3, σὺ με πρίω' σὺ γὰρ ἀνδρὸς γχρείαν ἔχειν μοι

ὃ A 3} ς \ A ὃ θ ’ 3.9 4Φ e “ οκεῖς,᾽ ws τὸν μὲν δυσωπηθέντα ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἑαυτῷ 40 δῦ \ δὲ LAA A \ 9 λ ’ συνήδει καταδῦναι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους τὸ σὺν εὐτολμίᾳ 9 ’ > ’ Ss ’ “- ᾽ὔ εὐθυβόλον ἐκπλήττεσθαι. ἄρά γε τῷ τοιούτῳ ’ δουλείαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μόνον ἐλευθερίαν δίχα ἀνυπευ- ’ ς θύνου ἡγεμονίας ἐπιφημιστέον; ζηλω- \ \ “A τῆς δὲ τῆς τούτου παρρησίας ἐγένετό Tis Χαιρέας ΄- 3 \ ’ 9 4 \ 3 “- sy τῶν ἀπὸ παιδείας. ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν yap οἰκῶν τὴν \ > , ’ ’ ’ πρὸς Αἰγύπτῳ, δυσχεράναντός ποτε [Ϊτολεμαίου \ > “A Kat ἀπειλήσαντος ov μετρίως, τῆς ἐκείνου βασι- ’ 90" > ’ \ 3 A e “- ’ λείας οὐδὲν ἐλάττονα τὴν ἐν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ φύσει ’ 3 ’ 3 ’ νομίσας ἐλευθερίαν, ἀντέλεξεν"

66 Ad ’ ov 4 > » \ > > ’ ἰγυπτίοισιν ἄνασσε, σέθεν δ᾽ ἐγὼ οὐκ ἀλεγίζω 909. "») ’ 3) οὐδ᾽ ὄθομαι κοτέοντος.

3) ’ \ e > A ’ \ ἔχουσι yap τι βασιλικὸν at εὐγενεῖς ψυχαί, τὸ λαμπρὸν πλεονεξίᾳ τύχης οὐκ ἀμαυρούμεναι, ὃ προτρέπει καὶ τοῖς τἀξίωμα ὑπερόγκοις ἐξ 3 ’ὔ 3 ’ ’ > ’ ἴσου διαφέρεσθαι, ἀλαζονείᾳ παρρησίαν ἀντιτάττον. / ’ 3, A > 4 Θεόδωρον λόγος ἔχει Tov ἐπικληθέντα " ? , A? A \ in , ἄθεον ἐκπεσόντα τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν καὶ πρὸς Λυσίμαχον 3 ’ 3 ’ A > lA A A ἐλθόντα, ἐπειδή τις τῶν ev τέλει τὸν δρασμὸν > ’ Ὁ Ἁ \ > » > ’ Ψ > " ὠνείδισεν, ἅμα καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἐπιλέγων, ὅτι ἐπὶ 3 / \ “A “ ’ \ ἀθεότητι Kat διαφθορᾷ τῶν νέων καταγνωσθεὶς

* This phrase is difficult. The sense given to δίχα in the translation, by which “‘ without”’ is extended to mean “ not

82

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 124-127

you seem to me to need a husband,” whereat the person concerned conscience-stricken into shame sub- sided, and the others were amazed at the courage and the aptness of the sally. Must we apply the term slavery to such as him, or any other word but liberty, over which irresponsible domination has no power ? @ His freedom of speech was emulated by 125 Chaereas, a man of culture. When he was living in Alexandria by Egypt, he once incurred the anger of Ptolemy, who threatened him in no mild terms. Chaereas considering that his own natural freedom was not a whit inferior to the other’s kingship replied:

Be King of Egypt ; I care not for you— A fig for all your anger.?

For noble souls, whose brightness the greed of fortune 126 cannot dim, have a kingly something, which urges them to contend on an equal footing with persons of the most massive dignity and pits freedom of speech against arrogance. A story is told of 127 Theodorus ὁ surnamed the atheist, that when he had been banished from Athens and had joined Lysi- machus, his flight was brought up against him by a person of authority, who recited the circumstances which caused it and declared that he had been ejected after being condemned as an atheist and corrupter of

subject to,” is not natural. δίχα is often used by Philo to introduce some additional statement and possibly that may be the meaning here, 1.6. “‘ not to say absolute sovereignty,” referring of course to the sovereignty of the sage described by Diogenes Laertius vii. 122 as ἀρχὴ ἀνυπεύθυνος. The natural translation “freedom but not irresponsible sove- reignty’’ (so Mangey ‘‘ nudam libertatem imperio pleno destitutam ᾽᾽) seems impossibly pointless.

> 11.1. 180 f. (Μυρμιδόνεσσιν for Αἰγυπτίοισιν in the original).

¢ Tor Theodorus see App. p. 517.

83

PHILO

‘

325 7 6¢ 3 995 7 Id] 4 ί A > 3 ‘\ ἐξέπεσεν, “ [οὐκ] ἐξέπεσον ᾿᾽" φάναι, “᾿ τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ

3 “A A e A \ Ἁ 3 A 3 128 ἔπαθον τῷ Διὸς Ἣρακλεῖ. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ἐξ-

4 A “A 9 “" 9 9 ~ 3 ϑ9ϑιὺ ετέθη πρὸς τῶν ᾿Αργοναυτῶν, οὐκ ἀδικῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μόνος πλήρωμα καὶ ἕρμα καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ὧν ἐναυβάρει, δέος παρασχὼν τοῖς συμπλέουσι, μὴ τὸ σκάφος ὑπέραντλον γένηται. κἀγὼ διὰ τοῦτο μετανέστην, ὕψει καὶ μεγέθει τῆς ἐμῆς διανοίας τῶν πολιτευο- μένων ᾿Αθήνησιν οὐ δυνηθέντων συνδραμεῖν, ἅμα 129 καὶ φθονηθείς.᾽ προσανερομένου δὲ Λυσιμάχου" “ μὴ καὶ ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἐξέπεσες φθόνῳ; ᾿᾿ πάλιν ἀποκρίνασθαι" “᾿ φθόνῳ μὲν ov, φύσεως δὲ ὑπερ- 180 βολαῖς, ἃς ἡ πατρὶς οὐκ ἐχώρει. καθάπερ γὰρ Σεμέλης, ἡνίκα Διόνυσον ἐκύει, τὸν ὡρισμένον ἄχρι [466] τῆς | ἀποτέξεως χρόνον ἐνεγκεῖν οὐ δυνηθείσης, καταπλαγεὶς Ζεὺς τὴν τοῦ κατὰ γαστρὸς φύσιν ἠλιτόμηνον ἐξελκύσας ἱ ἰσότιμον τοῖς οὐρανίοις ἀπ- ἔφηνε θεοῖς, οὕτω κἀμέ, τῆς πατρίδος βραχυτέρας

» δ 7 , ΄

οὔσης ἢ ὥστε δέξασθαι φιλοσόφου φρονήματος ὄγκον τοσοῦτον, δαίμων τις 7 θεὸς “ἀναστήσας εἰς

εὐτυχέστερον τόπον ᾿Αθηνῶν" ἀποικίσαι διενοήθη.᾽" 131 XIX. Τῆς δὲ ἐν σοφοῖς ἐλευθερίας, ὥσπερ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρωπίνων ἀγαθῶν, Kav τοῖς ἀλόγοις

1 Cohn and Mangey are no doubt right in expunging the negative. For though it would make sense as “1 was not banished, but removed by divine agency ”’ (see end of § 130), the comparison ‘with Heracles who was ejected and the versions of the story given by Diogenes Laertius ii. 102 and Plutarch (De Exil. 16), both of whom make him answer the question ‘* Were you banished ?”’ in the affirmative, show that οὐκ Should be omitted.

2 So three mss. The others ᾿Αθήνας, which Cohn prints. Whether he intended to insert 7 cand omitted it by inadvert- ence I do not know. As it stands, it seems to me quite impossible.

84

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREF, 127-131

youth. “I was ejected,” he answered, “but 1 shared that fortune with the son of Zeus Heracles,

for he was thrown overboard by the Argonauts, not 128

for any wrongdoing, but because he himself alone was freight 5 and ballast enough to overload the vessel, and made his fellow sailors afraid that it would be water-logged. And I, too, changed my residence? for this reason, because the politicians at Athens were unable to keep pace with the loftiness and magnitude of my intellect ; also I was the object of envy.”” When Lysimachus put the further question, “ Was it then for envy that you were ejected ?”’ he answered, “‘ No, not through envy but because of the transcendence of my natural gifts which the country could not hold. For just as when Semele, while carrying Dionysus, was unable to bear the weight till the time appointed for her delivery, and Zeus in consternation pulled out the fruit of her womb in a premature stage of being and made it rank equal to the celestial gods, so it was with me: my country was too small to hold such a mass of philosophical thinking, and some lower or higher deity dislodged me and resolved to trans- plant me to a place more favoured by fortune than Athens.”

XIX. The freedom of the wise like all other human good gifts may be seen exemplified also in the irra-

« Cf.§41. The general meaning of πλήρωμα as a nautical term is ‘* the crew,”’ 2.e. not a dead-weight, but the human ‘complement ”’ as in § 142, but this does not suit the context here, and not very well in § 41, and as the two passages cannot be dissociated, it seems better to assume that in both cases the meaning is “‘ freight ” or ‘‘ cargo.”

> Or perhaps ‘‘ was made to leave my home,” μετανέστην having the passive sense which the uncompounded verb often has.

85

129

130

131

PHILO

ζῴοις παραδείγματα σκοπῶν av τις εὕροι. ot γοῦν ἀλεκτρυόνες οὕτως εἰώθασι φιλοκινδύνως ἀγωνίζε- σθαι, ὥστε ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ εἶξαι καὶ παραχωρῆσαι, κἂν ἡττῶνται ταῖς δυνάμεσιν, οὐχ ἡττώμενοι ταῖς

132 εὐτολμίαις ἄχρι θανάτου παραμένουσιν. ὃ συνιδὼν Μιλτιάδης ὁ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων στρατηγός, ἡνίκα βα- σιλεὺς ὁ Περσῶν ἅπασαν τὴν ἀκμὴν τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἀναστήσας μυριάσι πολλαῖς διέβαινεν ἐπὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην, ὡς ἀναρπάσων αὐτοβοεὶ τὴν “Ἑλλάδα, συναγαγὼν ἐν τῷ παναθηναϊκῷ τοὺς συμμάχους ὀρνίθων ἀγῶνας ἐπέδειξε, λόγου παντὸς δυνατω- τέραν ὑπολαμβάνων ἔσεσθαι τὴν διὰ τῆς τοιαύτης ὄψεως παρακέλευσιν" καὶ γνώμης οὐχ ἥμαρτε.

138 θεασάμενοι γὰρ τὸ τλητικὸν καὶ φιλότιμον ἄχρι τελευτῆς ἐ ἐν ἀλόγοις a ἀήττητον, ἁρπάσαντες - τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὥρμησαν, ὡς ἐχθρῶν ἀγωνιού- μενοι σώμασι, τραυμάτων καὶ σφαγῶν ἀλογοῦντες, ὑπὲρ τοῦ καὶ ἀποθανόντες ἐν ἐλευθέρῳ γοῦν τῷ τῆς πατρίδος ἐδάφει ταφῆναι. προτροπῆς γὰρ εἰς βελτίωσιν οὐδὲν οὕτως αἴτιον, ὡς ἡ τῶν ἀφανε-

134 στέρων ἐλπίδος μείζων xarépbucts. τοῦ δὲ περὶ τοὺς ὄρνιθας ἐναγωνίου μέμνηται καὶ ὁ τραγικὸς Ἴων διὰ τούτων᾽

{{ ϑ2Φ9 ὦ ~ \ aA 4 > οὐδ᾽ ὅ γε σῶμα τυπεὶς διφυεῖς τε κόρας ἐπι-

λάθεται ἀλκᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ ὀλιγοδρανέων φθογγάζεται: θάνατον δ᾽ 6 γε δουλοσύνας προβέβουλε.᾽᾽

A > A ’ 97 9 9 ὔ 135 τοὺς οὖν σοφοὺς τί οἰόμεθα οὐκ ἀσμενέστατα δου- ’ἢ 3 / VA A \ “-ο λείας ἀντικαταλλάξεσθαι τελευτήν; τὰς δὲ τῶν νέων καὶ εὐφυῶν ψυχὰς ἄρ᾽ οὐκ ἄτοπον λέγειν 86

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 131-135

tional animals. Thus cocks are wont to fight with such intrepidity that rather than yield and withdraw, though outdone in strength yet not outdone in cour- age they continue fighting until they die. This Miltiades, the general of the Athenians, had ob- served, and when the Persian king having pressed into the ranks all the flower of Asia crossed into Europe with many myriads, thinking to seize Greece without a struggle, Miltiades collected his fellow soldiers at the Panathenaea and showed them some cocks fighting, holding that the spectacle would speak with a persuasion which no words could have. His judgement did not err, for when they saw this invin- cible gallantry and endurance asserting itself even to death in irrational creatures, they seized their arms and rushed to war, where the rivals against whom they were matched would be the bodies of the foes, and recked not of the wounds nor of the slaughter in their hope to secure that if they fell at least their native soil in which they lay would still be free. For nothing so creates an impulse to do better, as that those of less repute than ourselves should rise to heights of achievement beyond our expectation. Cock-fighting is also mentioned by the Tragedian lon? in these words :

Battered his body and blind on eye He rallies his courage, and faint, still crows, For death he prefers to slavery.

Why then should we suppose that the wise would not most gladly choose death rather than slavery? [5 it not against all reason that the souls of the young and highly gifted should be worsted in the contests of

@ See App. p. 517. 87

132

133

134

135

136

137 [467]

138

139

PHILO

ἐν ἄθλοις ἀρετῆς ὀρνίθων ἐλαττοῦσθαι Kai μόλις φέρεσθαι τὰ δευτερεῖα;

Kai μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνό τις τῶν ἐπὶ βραχὺ παιδείας ἁψαμένων ἀγνοεῖ, ὅτι καλὸν μὲν πρᾶγμα ἐλευθερία, αἰσχρὸν δὲ δουλεία, καὶ ὅτι τὰ μὲν καλὰ πρόσεστι τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς, τὰ δ᾽ αἰσχρὰ τοῖς φαύλοις" ἐξ ὧν ἐναργέστατα παρίσταται τὸ μήτε τινὰ τῶν σπουδαίων δοῦλον εἶναι, κἂν μυρίοι τὰ δεσποτῶν σύμβολα προφέροντες ἐπανατείνωνται, μήτε τῶν ἀφρόνων ἐλεύθερον, κἂν Κροῖσος ἢ Μίδας ἢ ὁ μέγας βασιλεὺς ὧν τυγχάνῃ" XX. | τὸ δὲ ἐλευθερίας μὲν ἀοίδιμον κάλλος δουλείας δὲ ἐπά- ρατον αἶσχος ὑπὸ τῶν παλαιοτέρων καὶ πολυχρο- νιωτέρων καὶ ὡς ἐν θνητοῖς ἀθανάτων, οἷς θέμις 3 A / 4 \ 3 “A A 4 ἀψευδεῖν, πόλεών τε Kal ἐθνῶν μαρτυρεῖται. βουλαί τε γὰρ καὶ ἐκκλησίαι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην σχεδὸν ἡμέραν ἀθροίζονται περὶ τίνος μᾶλλον ἢ ἐλευθερίας παρ- ovons μὲν βεβαιώσεως, εἰ δ᾽ ἀπείη, κτήσεως; ἡ δ᾽ “Ἐλλὰ \ ’ \ “0 4 \

as καὶ βάρβαρος κατὰ ἔθνη στασιάζουσι καὶ

A > \ U ’ὔ’ @ \ 4 \ πολεμοῦσιν ἀεὶ τί βουλόμεναι 6 τι μὴ δουλείαν μὲν 3 4 9 Ul \ A \ ἀποδιδράσκειν, ἐλευθερίαν δὲ περιποιεῖσθαι; διὸ κἀν ταῖς μάχαις ἡ λοχαγῶν καὶ ταξιαρχῶν καὶ στρατηγῶν μεγίστη παρακέλευσις ἥδ᾽ ἐστί: “᾿ κα- κῶν τὸ βαρύτατον, ἄνδρες σύμμαχοι, δουλείαν ἐπιφερομένην ἀπωσώμεθα: τοῦ καλλίστου τῶν ἐν

@ §§ 137-143. In these sections Philo seems to abandon his theory and to accept the common conception of freedom and slavery. The slavery which the generals declare to be the worst of evils, which incapacitated for admission to the religious functions at Athens, and for service on the Argo, is according to the doctrine which the treatise preaches not Slavery to the wise. It may perhaps be said that if freedom is admitted to be excellent, freedom in the philosophical sense

88

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 135-139

virtue by birds and take only the second place and that barely ?

This too is a truth well known to everyone who 136 has taken even a slight hold of culture, that freedom is an honourable thing, and slavery a disgraceful thing, and that honourable things are associated with good men and disgraceful things with bad men. Hence, it clearly follows that no person of true worth is a slave, though threatened by a host of claimants who produce contracts to prove their ownership, nor is any fool a free man, even though he be a Croesus or a Midas or the Great King himself. XX. * And this doctrine that freedom is glorious and 137 honourable, slavery execrable and disgraceful, is at- tested by cities and nations, which are more ancient, more permanent, and, as far as mortals may be, immortal, and for immortals it is a law of their being that their every word is true. The senates and 138 national assemblies meet almost every day to discuss more than anything else how to confirm their free- dom if they have it, or to acquire it if they have it not. The Greek and the outside world are per- petually engaged in feuds and wars, nation against nation, and with what object save to escape from slavery and to win freedom? And so on the battle- 139 field, the commanders of armies and regiments and companies couch their exhortations to their men mainly in this form. ‘ Fellow soldiers, slavery is the most grievous of evils. Let us repel its assault.

is still more excellent—that the exclusion of slaves in the ordinary sense from the Athenian celebrations and from the Argo did incidentally teach the lesson that the “ free ᾽᾽ might carry out menial duties without loss of true freedom. But those ideas are only just hinted at. The real argument is resumed in § 144.

89

140

14]

142

PHILO

9 θ ’᾽ 3 θῶ 9 ’ \ ’ ἀνθρώποις ἀγαθῶν, ἐλευθερίας, μὴ περιίδωμεν. ἥδ᾽ ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ καὶ πηγὴ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας, ἀφ᾽ ἧς at κατὰ “μέρος ῥέουσιν ὠφέλειαι." διό ὃ “Ἑλλή δερκέ διά μοι δοκοῦσιν ot τῶν ἥνων ὀξυδερκέστατοι διά- >A@ A Ὁ \ 9 > A , nv > νοιαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι--ὅπερ yap ἐν ὀφθαλμῷ κόρη ἢ ἐν ! ἴων λ ’᾽ a > 9 ἐ ’ > ~ \ > \ ψυχῇ λογισμός, τοῦτ᾽ ev ᾿Ἑβλλάδι ᾿Αθῆναι---τὴν ἐπὶ ταῖς Σεμναῖς Θεαῖς πομπὴν ὅταν στέλλωσι, δοῦλον ὃ ’ λ ’ A 4 9 \ ὃ ? μηδένα προσπαραλαμβάνειν τὸ παράπαν, ἀλλὰ δι ἐλευθέρων ἕκαστα τῶν νενομισμένων ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν ἐπιτελεῖν, καὶ οὐχ οἵων ἂν τύχῃ, ἀλλὰ βίον ἐζηλωκότων ἀνεπίληπτον: ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἑορτὴν πέμματα τῶν ἐφήβων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι σιτοπονοῦσι, πρὸς εὐδοξίας καὶ τιμῆς, ὅπερ ἐστί, τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν τιθέμενοι. πρῴην ὑποκριτῶν τρα- γῳδίαν ἐπιδεικνυμένων καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ Ἐὐριπίδῃ τρίμετρα διεξιόντων ἐκεῖνα

¢

¢ 9ϑ ’ \ 9 3 3, τοὐλεύθερον γὰρ ὄνομα παντὸς ἄξιον, nv ’ > ν 7 Ὰ9ὺο:ι ν ’ 3 κἂν σμίκρ᾽ ἔχῃ τις, μεγάλ᾽ ἔχειν νομιζέτω,

\ A Ψ Φ > 9 ” “ e. 9 τοὺς θεατὰς ἅπαντας εἶδον ἐπ᾿ ἄκρων ποδῶν ὑπ ’ aA ’ ἐκπλήξεως ἀναστάντας καὶ φωναῖς μείζοσι καὶ , 3 , 3 ~ ἐκβοήσεσιν ἐπαλλήλοις ἔπαινον μὲν τῆς γνώμης, ἔπαινον δὲ καὶ τοῦ ποιητοῦ συνείροντας, ὃς οὐ , \ 9 ’ ” 9 \ \ 3 μόνον τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἔργοις ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὔνομα αὐτῆς ἐσέμνυνεν. ἄγαμαι καὶ τῶν ᾿Αργοναυτῶν, a 4 > ’ 2 30 \ λ ’ ὃ ’ ot σύμπαν ἀπέφηναν ἐλεύθερον τὸ πλήρωμα μηδένα A ’ “- μηδὲ τῶν εἰς ἀναγκαίας ὑπηρεσίας προσέμενοι δοῦ- 3 \ 9 , 3 ’ 9 ~ , λον, ἀδελφὴν ἐλευθερίας αὐτουργίαν ἐν τῷ τότε « According to Cohn, Demeter and Persephone, but see App. p. 517. 90

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 139-142

Freedom is the noblest of human blessings ; let us not suffer it to be lost. Freedom is the source and fountain of happiness and from it flow all particular benefits.” | This I think is the reason why 140 the Athenians, the keenest in intelligence among the Greeks—for Athens is in Greece what the pupil is in the eye and the reason in the soul—when they cele- brate the procession in honour of the Venerable Goddesses,* admit no slave to the company, but employ free men and women to carry out all the solemnities, and these not chosen at haphazard, but such as have earnestly pursued a blameless life. On the same principle, the cakes for the feast are made

by the youths who have best passed their test, and they consider this service to be an honour and glory

as indeed it is. A short time ago, when some players 141 were acting a tragedy, and reciting those lines of Euripides,

The name of freedom is worth all the world ; If one has little, let him think that much,?®

I saw the whole audience so carried away by enthusiasm that they stood upright to their full height, and raising their voices above the actors, burst into shout after shout of applause, combining praise of the maxim with praise of the poet, who glorified not only freedom for what it does, but even its name. I also admire the Argonauts, who 142 made their crew consist entirely of the free and admitted no slave, not even those who would do the necessary menial labours, welcoming personal service in these circumstances as the sister of

ὃ Part of four lines quoted by Stobaeus from the Auge of Euripides. 91

PHILO

143 ἀσπασαμένων. εἰ δὲ καὶ ποιηταῖς προσέχειν ἄξιον --διὰ τί δὲ οὐ μέλλομεν; παιδευταὶ γὰρ οὗτοί γε τοῦ σύμπαντος βίου, καθάπερ ἰδίᾳ γονεῖς παῖδας καὶ οὗτοι δημοσίᾳ τὰς πόλεις σωφρονίζοντες---, οὐδ᾽ ἡ ᾿Αργὼ ναυαρχοῦντος ᾿Ιάσονος ἐπέτρεπεν ἐπι-

[468] βαίνειν οἰκέταις, μεμοιραμένη | ψυχῆς καὶ λογισμοῦ, φύσις οὖσα φιλελεύθερος. ὅθεν καὶ ὁ Αἰσχύλος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς εἶπε:

“ποῦ δ᾽ ἐστὶν ᾿Αργοῦς ἱερόν, αὔδασον,, ξύλον; ᾿

144 ᾿Επανατάσεων δὲ καὶ ἀπειλῶν, ἃς σοφοῖς ἀν-

δράσιν ἐπανατείνονται καὶ ἀπειλοῦσί τινες, ἥκιστα φροντιστέον καὶ τὰ ὅμοια λεκτέον ᾿Αντιγενίδᾳ τῷ αὐλητῇ. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνόν φασιν, ἐπειδή τις τῶν ἀντιτέχνων ὀργισθεὶς εἶπεν “ ὠνήσομαί oe,” βαθεῖ ἤθει φάναι" “᾿ κἀγὼ τοιγαροῦν διδάξω σε avdciv.”

145 ἄξιον οὖν καὶ τῷ σπουδαίῳ πρὸς μὲν τὸν ἔχοντα

ὠνητικῶς λέγειν: “᾿ σωφροσύνην ἄρα ἀναδιδαχ- θήσῃ,᾽᾿ πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἀπειλοῦντα φυγήν" “᾿ πᾶσα γῆ

146 μοι πατρίς,᾽᾿ πρὸς δὲ τὸν χρημάτων ζημίαν" “᾿ ἀρκεῖ

μετρία βιοτά μοι, πρὸς δὲ τὸν πληγὰς ἢ θάνατον

σ 1 mss. αὔδασαι or αὔδασε or (Μ) δαπέν (sic). For the sug- gestion avdjev see note a.

* This refers to the legend that Athena fitted into the prow of the Argo a speaking (φωνῆεν) timber from the oak at Dodona. See Apollodorus i. 9. 19 who mentions two of its utterances, one being the complaint that Heracles overloaded it referred to in ὃ 128. The quotation from Aeschylus, at any rate as punctuated by Cohn and translated above, does not seem very apposite. As αὔδασον has no ms. authority (see note 1), the correction avdjev or αὐδᾶεν seems probable

02

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 143-146

freedom. And if we are justified in listening to 143

the poets,—and why should we not, since they are our educators through all our days, and as parents in private life teach wisdom to their children, so do they in public life to their cities—if I say we believe them, even the Argo, which captained by Jason was endowed with soul and reason, a sentient being filled with love of freedom, would not let bond servants board her.

So Aeschylus says of her : Where is the sacred bark of Argo? Speak.

The menacing gestures and speeches with which some people threaten the wise should be treated with little respect and meet with a reply like that of Antigenidas, the flute-player. When a rival pro- fessional said to him in anger, “I'll buy you,’’ he answered him with great irony,? “Then I'll teach you to play.”’ So then, too, the man of worth may say to his prospective purchaser, “Then you will have lessons in self-control.’”’ If one threatens him with banishment, he can say, “Every land is my native country δ: if with loss of money, ‘A moderate livelihood suffices me’’@; if the threat takes the

unless Nauck’s objection that the word would not be used in iambics precludes it. If avéacov is retained I should prefer to translate ‘‘ Where is it (or he)? Speak, holy bark of Argo.”

> Or ‘‘ very wittily ” or “‘ very good-naturedly.” I have discussed the meaning of this phrase in a note on De Jos. 168, vol. vi. p. 602. Antigenidas was a famous Theban musician, about the beginning of the fourth century B.c.

¢ Perhaps a reminiscence of the line by an unknown author

τῷ yap καλῶς πράσσοντι πᾶσα γῆ πατρίς,

though the meaning of this is not what is intended here.

4 A fragment of Euripides (lyrical, whence the form βιοτά for -7)), and continuing σώφρονος τραπέζης.

93

4

144

145

146

147

148

149

PHILO

ἐπανατεινόμενον: “᾿ οὐ μορμολύττεταί pe ταῦτα, οὐδ᾽ εἰμὶ πυκτῶν ἢ παγκρατιαστῶν ἐλάττων, οἵς- τινες ἀμαυρὰ εἴδωλα ἀρετῆς ὁρῶντες, ἅτε σωμάτων αὐτὸ μόνον εὐεξίαν διαπονήσαντες, ἑκάτερα τλη- τικῶς ὑπομένουσιν" ὁ γὰρ ἡγεμὼν σώματος ἐν ἐμοὶ νοῦς ἀνδρείᾳ τονωθεὶς οὕτω σφόδρα νενεύρωται,

ὡς ἐπάνω πάσης ἀλγηδόνος ἵστασθαι δύνασθαι."

XXI. [Φυλακτέον οὖν τὸν τοιοῦτον θῆρα συλλαμβάνειν, ὃς οὐκ 3 Ἁ A 3 3 3 ” 4 n 4 Ul \ ‘ ἀλκὴν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ὄψιν φοβερὸς ὧν τὸ δυσάλωτον καὶ μὴ εὐκαταφρόνητον δείκνυται.

> ’ ’ li > ~ A

Ασυλία τόπων πολλάκις οἰκετῶν τοῖς KaTa-

φεύγουσιν ἄδειαν καὶ ἐκεχειρίαν ὡς ἰσοτίμοις καὶ ἰσοτελέσι παρέσχετο" καὶ τοὺς ἐκ προπάππων καὶ τῶν ἄνω προγόνων κατά τινα συγγενικὴν διαδοχὴν παλαιοδούλους ἔστιν ἰδεῖν, ὅταν ἐν ἱεροῖς ἱκέται καθέζωνται, μετὰ πάσης ἀδείας ἐλευθεροστομοῦν- τας. εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἱ καὶ τοῖς κτησαμένοις οὐκ ἐξ ἴσου μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῦ περιόντος εὐτόνως ἅμα καὶ καταφρονητικῶς διαφέρονται περὶ τῶν δικαίων" οὗς μὲν γὰρ ὁ τοῦ συνειδότος ἔλεγχος, κἂν ὦσιν εὐπατρίδαι, πέφυκε δουλοῦσθαι, οἱ δὲ τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀδειαν ἐκ τῆς περὶ τὸν τόπον ἀσυλίας πεπορισμένοι ψυχῆς, ἣν ὁ θεὸς ἐκ πάντων ἀχείρω-

τον ἐδημιούργησεν, ἐλεύθερα καὶ εὐγενῆ σφόδρα

¢ That this section makes impossible nonsense here is obvious. Massebieau propounded the theory that §§ 32-40 should be transferred to after § 146 and followed by § 147. While the relevance of §§ 32-40 as it stands is not very clear, it seems to me they would be still more intrusive here. And what connexion has 8 147 with § 40? In § 40 lions are said to be really the masters of their owners and the moral deduced is that still more is the wise man master in the true

04.

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 146-149

form of blows or death, he can say, ‘‘ These bugbears do not scare me; I am not inferior to boxers or pancratiasts, who though they see but dim shadows of true excellence, since they only cultivate robust- ness of body, yet endure both bravely. For the mind within me which rules the body is bv courage so well-braced and nerved, that it can stand superior to any kind of pain.”’

XXI. [We must be careful, therefore, not to take a wild 147 beast of this kind, which displays not only strength, but by the terrors of its appearance, its invincible and formidable nature. | ¢

Places which serve as sanctuaries often provide the 148

bond servants who take refuge in them with the same security and licence of speech as if they enjoyed equal rights and privileges with the rest. And one may see those whose servitude is immemorial handed down from their great-grandfathers and earlier ancestors by a kind of family succession, talking freely with complete fearlessness, when sitting in temples as suppliants. Some even show not mere equality but 149 great superiority in the energy and disdain with which they dispute questions of justice with their owners. For while the owners however highly born may well become as slaves through the conscience which con- victs them, the suppliants, who are provided with bodily security by the inviolability of the place, exhibit in the soul, which God created proof against all that could subdue it, characteristics of freedom

sense. ‘To follow by a warning against buying lions would be utterly inept. By what accident it got inserted here, it is useless guessing. But probably it belongs to some dis- quisition in which harbouring passions is compared to keeping wild beasts (cf. De Praem. 88). Such a disquisition might well have found a place in the twin treatise “ that every fool is a slave.”

95

PHILO

150 ἀναφαίνουσιν ἤθη: εἰ μὴ λίαν οὕτω τίς ἐστιν ἀλό- γιστος, ὡς χωρία μὲν θάρσους αἴτια καὶ παρρησίας ὑπολαμβάνειν εἶναι, τὸ δὲ τῶν ὄντων θεοειδέστατον,

[469] ἀρετήν, μηκέτι, du ἣν καὶ τοῖς | χωρίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅσα φρονήσεως μετέχει τὸ ἱεροπρεπὲς ἐγ-

151 γίνεται. καὶ μὴν τοῖς μὲν εἰς ἀσύλους τόπους καταφεύγουσιν, ἐκ μόνων τῶν τόπων περιπεποιη- μένοις ἀσφάλειαν, ἐκ μυρίων ἄλλων ἀγωγίμοις συμβέβηκε γίνεσθαι, δώρων γυναικός, ἀδοξίας τέκ- νων, ἔρωτος ἀπάτης, τοῖς δὲ εἰς ἀρετὴν ὥσπερ εἰς ἀκαθαίρετον καὶ ἐρυμνότατον τεῖχος ἀλογεῖν βλη- μάτων, ὧν αἱ ἐφεδρεῖαι τῶν παθῶν βάλλουσι καὶ

159 τοξεύουσι. ταύτῃ τις πεφραγμένος τῇ δυνάμει μετὰ παρρησίας ἂν εἴποι, ὅτι οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πρὸς τῶν τυχόντων ἁλίσκονται,

rT a 8, 2 a») \ \ \ 66 \ έγω εμασυτου κατα TOV τραγικον και

4 κλύειν ἐπίσταμαι, 9 3 e ’ 3 ~ 4 ἄρχειν θ᾽ ὁμοίως, τἀρετῇ σταθμώμενος τὰ πάντα.

168 λέγεται γοῦν ὁ IIpunveds Βίας ἀπειλοῦντι Kpotow μάλα καταφρονητικῶς ἀνταπειλῆσαι ἐπεσθίειν τῶν κρομμύων, αἰνιττόμενος τὸ κλαίειν, ἐπεὶ δάκρυα

164 κινεῖ ἡ κρομμύων βρῶσις. οὕτως οἱ σοφοὶ βασι- λικώτερον οὐδὲν ἀρετῆς νομίζοντες, ἣ τοῦ βίου

α The argument seems to be “ bodily immunity may put the philosophical slave on an equal footing, but only spiritual freedom would give the superiority in discussion.” It would be clearer if πόσῳ ranted ἐλευθεροστομήσει ὁ σοφὸς (a sugges- tion mentioned by Cohn) was inserted before εἰ μὴ, but it is not necessary.

ὃ φρονήσεως has not been questioned, but seems to me

96

EVERY GOOD MAN IS ΤΕ, 150-154

and high nobility.* It must be so, for who could be 150 so exceedingly unreasonable as to think that while places produce courage and free speaking, this does not extend to the most God-like thing existing, virtue, through which both places and everything else which participates in wisdom ὃ acquires sanctity ? And indeed those who take refuge in sacrosanct 15] localities and owe their security to the localities only, turn out to be in bondage to numberless other con- siderations, such as a wife seduced by gifts,° children fallen into disgrace, betrayal in love matters. But those who take refuge in virtue, as in an indestruct- ible and impregnable fortress, disregard the darts and arrows aimed at them by the passions which stalk them. Fortified by this power, a man may say 152 freely and boldly, ‘‘ While all others are the victims

of chance circumstances, I can say with the tragic poet :

Myself I can obey and can command. I measure all things by the rule of virtue.” ¢

Thus Bias of Priene is said to have retorted very dis- 153 dainfully to the threats of Croesus,’ by bidding him eat onions, a phrase which means “ go weep, ’ because eating onions sets the tears running. In this spirit 154 the wise who hold that nothing is more royal than virtue, the captain whom they serve as soldiers

hardly possible, at any rate if τοῖς ἄλλοις is retained. What is wanted is something to indicate the sacrosanctity which altars, vessels and the like share with sanctuaries (? ὅσ᾽ ἀφ- ιερὠσεως).

¢ If this is the meaning. So Mangey ‘uxore corrupta,”’ but the phrase seems strange.

¢ Source unknown, thought by Nauck to be Furipides.

¢ According to Diog. Laert. i. 83 it was said to Halyattes the father of Croesus.

VOL. ΙΧ H Q7

PHILO

a A e ’ παντὸς αὐτοῖς ταξιαρχεῖ, τὰς ἄλλων ἡγεμονίας ὡς ὑπηκόων οὐ δεδίασι. παρ᾽ ὃ τοὺς διχόνους καὶ

; . A Ψ > ’ὔ ” > , δολεροὺς ἅπασιν ὀνομάζειν ἔθος ἀνελευθέρους τε 155 καὶ δουλοπρεπεῖς. ὅθεν κἀκεῖνα εὖ πεφώνηται"

“οὔποτε δουλείη κεφαλὴ εὐθεῖα πέφυκεν, 3 > oA / 9 , A Ν᾿ }) ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ σκολιή, καὐχένα λοξὸν ἔχει.

A A / A , A > A oy TO yap πλάγιον Kat ποικίλον Kat ἀπατηλὸν ἦθος > 4 7 9 A A 9 A A 37 ἀγενέστατον, ὥσπερ (εὐγενὲς τὸ εὐθὺ καὶ ἀπλα- 4‘ 9 v4 / 4 A στον Kal ἀνύπουλον, λόγων βουλεύμασι καὶ βουλευ- 156 μάτων λόγοις συνᾳδόντων. ἀξιον δὲ - καταγελᾶν τῶν ἐπειδὰν ἀπαλλαγῶσι δεσποτικῆς κτήσεως ἐλευθερωθῆναι νομιζόντων: οἰκέται μὲν A 9 729 e / a“ > . > 4 yap οὐκέθ᾽ ὁμοίως (ἂν) elev οἵ ye ἀφειμένοι, Ν ~ ’ δοῦλοι δὲ καὶ μαστιγίαι πάντες, ὑπακούοντες οὐκ 2 4, Ὁ AY Nn Ss A ’ 9 A \ ἀνθρώπων---ἧττον γὰρ av ἦν τὸ dewov—, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν ἀψύχοις ἀτιμοτάτων, ἀκράτου, λαχάνων, πεμμάτων," ὅσα ἄλλα σιτοπόνων τε καὶ ὀψαρτυτῶν περιεργίαι κατὰ γαστρὸς τῆς ταλαίνης δημιουρ- lal lay 9 A 157 yodow. ὁ γοῦν Διογένης ἰδών τινα τῶν λεγομένων ἀπελευθέρων ἁβρυνόμενον καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῷ συν- ηδομένους, θαυμάσας τὸ ἄλογον καὶ ἄκριτον, ' ὅμοιον " εἶπεν “ὡς εἴ τις ἀνακηρύξειέ τινα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρας εἶναι γραμματικὸν > [470] ἢ γεωμέτρην 7 μουσικόν, οὐδ᾽ | ὄναρ τῶν τεχνῶν

1 Though Cohn does not notice it, something may be said for Mangey’s suggestion of Aaydvwv. λάχανα elsewhere, 6.0. Spec. Leg. ii. 20, De Prov. 70, are associated with the frugal life.

2 Mss. σπερμάτων. The manuscripts here appear to be confused. In the same line where σιτοπόνων is printed, M has πεμμάτων, the others πομάτων or σπερμάτων repeated.

98

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 154-157

throughout their lives, do not fear the orders of others whom they regard as subordinates.* And so double-faced and shifty people are universally called servile and slavish. This same thought is well 155 expressed in another couplet :

A slave’s head ne’er sits straight upon his shoulder But always crooked on a twisted neck.?

For the crooked, artificial, deceitful character is utterly ignoble, while the straight, simple and in- genuous, in which thoughts agree with words and words with thoughts, is noble. We may 156 well deride the folly of those who think that when they are released from the ownership of their masters they become free. Servants, indeed, they are no longer now that they have been dismissed, but slaves they are and of the vilest kind, not to men, which would not be so grievous, but to the least reputable of inanimate things, to strong drink, to pot-herbs, to baked meats and all the other preparations made by the elaborate skill of cooks and confectioners, to afflict the miserable belly. Thus Diogenes the cynic, 157 seeing one of the so-called freedmen pluming him- self, while many heartily congratulated him, mar- velled at the absence of reason and discernment. “A man might as well,” he said, “ proclaim that one of his servants became from this day a grammarian, a geometrician, or musician, when he has no idea what- ever of the αὐ. For as the proclamation cannot

@ The logical connexion demanded by zap’ ὃ is not clear and Mangey may be right in supposing that something has been lost before this sentence. ’ Theognis, Al. v. 535 f.

The correction σιτοπόνων is based on its frequent conjunction with ὀψαρτυτής, e.g. De Vit. Cont. 53. 99

PHILO

ἐπῃσθημένον.᾽ ὡς γὰρ ἐπιστήμονας οὐ ποιεῖ τὸ κήρυγμα, οὕτως οὐδὲ ἐλευθέρους --ἐπεὶ μακάριον ἦν τι---, ἀλλὰ μόνον οὐκ οἰκέτας.

158 XXII. ᾿Ανελόντες οὖν τὴν κενὴν δόξαν, ἧς ὁ πολὺς ὅμιλος ἀνθρώπων ἀπῃώρηται, καὶ ἀληθείας ἱερωτάτου κτήματος ἐρασθέντες μήτε τοῖς λεγο- μένοις ἀστοῖς πολιτείαν ἢ ἐλευθερίαν μήτε τοῖς οἰκότρυψιν ἢ 7 ἀργυρωνήτοις δουλείαν ἐπιφημίσωμεν, ἀλλὰ γένη καὶ δεσποτικὰ γράμματα καὶ συνόλως

159 σώματα παρελθόντες ψυχῆς φύσιν ἐρευνῶμεν. εἰ μὲν γὰρ πρὸς ἐπιθυμίας ἐλαύνεται ἢ ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς δελεάζεται ἢ φόβῳ ἐκκλίνει ἢ λύπῃ στέλλεται! ἢ ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς τραχηλίζεται, δουλοῖ μὲν αὑτήν, δοῦλον δὲ καὶ τὸν ἔχοντα μυρίων δεσποτῶν ἀπεργάζεται: εἰ δὲ φρονήσει μὲν ἀμαθίαν, σωφροσύνῃ δ᾽ ἀκολασίαν, δειλίαν δὲ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ πλεονεξίαν δικαιοσύνῃ κατ- ηγωνίσατο, τῷ ἀδουλώτῳ καὶ τὸ ἀρχικὸν προσείλη-

160 dev. ὅσαι δὲ μηδετέρας ἰδέας πω μετεσχήκασι, μήτε τῆς καταδουλουμένης μήτε δι᾿ ἧς ἐλευθερία βεβαιοῦται, γυμναὶ δέ εἶσιν ἔτι, καθάπερ αἱ τῶν κομιδῇ νηπίων, ταύτας τιθηνοκομητέον, ἐνστά- ovTas” τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντὶ γάλακτος ἁπαλὰς τροφάς, τὰς διὰ τῶν ἐγκυκλίων ὑφηγήσεις, εἶτ᾽ αὖθις κραταιοτέρας ὧν φιλοσοφία δημιουργός, ἐξ ὧν ἀνδρωθεῖσαι καὶ εὐεκτήσασαι πρὸς τέλος αἴσιον, οὐ Ζηνώνειον μᾶλλον ἢ πυθόχρηστον, ἀφίξονται, τὸ ἀκολούθως τῇ φύσει ζῆν.

* Perhaps with some mss. συστέλλεται. For the regular Stoic definition of λύπη as ἄλογος συστολή see S.V.F. iii, 391, 394. The same applies to Mos. ii. 139, where again the mss.

are divided between στελλούσης and συστελλούσης. 2 Mss. ἐντάττοντας (M προτάττων ras).

100

EVERY GOOD MAN IS FREE, 157-160

make them men of knowledge, so neither can it make them free, for that is a state of blessedness. It can only make them no longer servants.

XXII. Let us then do away with the idle fancy, to which the great mass of men feebly cling, and fixing our affections on that holiest of possessions, truth, refuse to ascribe citizenship or freedom to possessors of so-called civic rights, or slavery to servants, whether homebred or purchased, but dismissing questions of race and certificates of ownership and bodily matters in general, study the nature of the soul. For if the soul is driven by desire, or enticed by pleasure, or diverted * from its course by fear, or shrunken by grief, or helpless in the grip of anger, it enslaves itself and makes him whose soul it is a slave to a host of masters. But if it vanquishes ignorance with good sense, incon- tinence with self-control, cowardice with courage and covetousness with justice, it gains not only freedom from slavery but the gift of ruling as well. But souls which have as yet got nothing of either kind, neither that which enslaves, nor that which establishes free- dom, souls still naked like those of mere infants, must be tended and nursed by instilling first, in place of milk, the soft food of instruction given in the school subjects, later, the harder, stronger meat, which philosophy produces.? Reared by these to manhood and robustness, they will reach the happy consumma- tion which Zeno, or rather an oracle higher than Zeno, bids us seek, a life led agreeably to nature.

@ This again like στέλλεται (see note 1) is a Stoic definition, φόβος ἄλογος ἔκκλισις S. VF. iii. 391, 393.

ὑ For this view of the part played by the Encyclia and Philosophy in education see De Congressu, passim and Gen. Introd. to vol. i. pp. xvi f.

101

158

160

ON THE CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE OR SUPPLIANTS

(DE VITA CONTEMPLATIVA)

INTRODUCTION ΤῸ DE VITA CONTEMPLATIVA

This treatise is except for a few digressions a highly eulogistic account of an ascetic community known to Philo and settled near Alexandria. It is introduced as a counterpart to his description of the Essenes, whether that in Quod Omnis Probus 75-91 or perhaps more probably that in the Hypothetica, 11. 1-18, or possibly some third which has not survived. The Therapeutae are differentiated from the others in that while the Essenes exemplify the practical they represent the contemplative life. They do not have any active occupation or any custom of sharing houses or garments, nor do they even mess together except on special occasions. Another difference is that while the Essenes are exclusively male the Thera- peutae admit women freely to such communal life as they have. On the other hand while the Essenes of course observe frugality there is no suggestion that they practised abstinence like the Therapeutae, who carried it to an extreme.

The treatise does not seem to me to rank high among the works of Philo; the subject is slight and gives little scope to the richness of thought which marks so much of the commentary and in a less degree the exposition of the Law. Historically it is perhaps of some importance as giving an account of

104

THE CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE

an institution with some of the marks of later monasticism for which we have no parallel either without or within the Judaism of the times. And the importance would be much greater if we could sup- pose that this Alexandrian community was of a type widespread through the world outside. The opening words of section 21 may at first suggest that this was so and the argument of Lucius who maintained that the treatise was spurious was primarily based on this assumption. The Therapeutae, he argued, are said by the author to have been found in many places ; if it were so we must have heard of them from other sources, and as we do not hear of them the whole thing must be a fiction. But I do not think that section 21 bears this meaning. ‘This kind he says is found in many parts of the world, particularly in Egypt, and the best of them find a home in a certain spot which he proceeds to describe. But when we look back to find who this kind are it appears that they are religious enthusiasts who give up their. property and family ties and go and live in solitude. That this type of character existed in Philo’s time we might take for granted even if we did not have, abundant evidence in his own writings,* and it would not be surprising to find them occasionally organiz- ing themselves into communities which would not necessarily attract much attention. Philo however does not assert that they ever did so except in the body which he glorifies in this treatise. Nor

« The natural tendency of the religious philosopher to cultivate solitude and avoid cities is several times referred to. See above in Quod Omn. Prob. 63, also De Abr. 22 f., Spec. Leg. ii. 44. So too the translators of the xx “‘ avoided the city,” Afos. ii. 84. For the renunciation of property cf. De Mut. 32.

105

PHILO

does he tell us how numerous they were or how long they maintained themselves. If any inference is to be drawn from the absence of mention else- where it would be that this settlement was small and ephemeral.

In fact it is neither the literary nor the philo- sophical value nor its historical importance which has made this treatise better known and more discussed than any other work of Philo. It owes its fame to the controversies which have raged round it since the fourth century. The thing began when Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 17 discovered in the Therapeutae a picture of the first Christian converts. After noting the tradi- tional evangelization of Alexandria by St. Mark, he declares that no one could possibly doubt that Philo was referring to the first generation of his converts.

¢ T venture to put forth a conjectural picture of what the situation may have been. The point which the critics ignore is that this account unlike anything else in Philo’s works outside the historical treatises is an account of people. who were or may well have been known to him personally. I suggest that this is the second half of a tract on a favourite antithesis of the practical and the contemplative life. The first half is neither the account of the Essenes given in the Quod Omn. Prob. nor that in the Hypothetica, but a third account which insisted on the practical aspect of the Essene community more strongly than either of the extant narratives. He wanted a counterpart showing the contemplative life and he had one ready to hand in a little settlement near his own home. This community was well known to him and he had for it a sincere admiration which made him shut his eyes to the considerations in De Fuga 36, that the contemplative life should begin when the aspirant has been thoroughly schooled in the practical. It was a pleasure to him to glorify in this way the friends whom Alexandrian society ignored. Natur- ally he did not foresee the use to which his narrative would be put by a Eusebius and a Lucius.

106

THE CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE

In the renunciation of their property, their severe fasting, in the virginity of the women members, in their study of the scriptures including the writings of men of old which are clearly the gospels and apostolic writings and commentaries on the Old Testament such as Paul used—in their festal meetings which are a description of Easter celebrations, and the officials who manage these meetings in whom we may see bishops, priests and deacons, no one can possibly fail to see the first Christians. Nowadays it seems need- less to argue that the theory has no foundation what- ever. But it is easy to understand that the idea of finding in this Jewish philosopher an account of the life and worship of the early church, particularly in the great city whose evangelization is unnoticed in the New Testament, was very fascinating, and it is not surprising that it was strongly maintained by orthodox churchmen down to the 18th century. Hardly had it died out in the form sketched by Eusebius when it was revived in another form by two German scholars, Gratz and (more elaborately) Lucius in 1880. Eusebius had believed that Philo himself was in good faith describing the actual Chris- tians of his time. Lucius supposed that some un- known writer at the end of the third century a.p. drew up an imaginary account of the monasticism of - his own time which he put forth in Philo’s name in order to commend it to readers, who impressed by the authority thus given to it would believe that it was a genuine picture of the primitive church. Somehow Lucius secured the approval not only of such distin- guished historians as Schiirer and Zeller but a formid- able number of other distinguished scholars. But I find it difficult to understand how anyone who reads

107

PHILO

Conybeare’s and Wendland’s refutations side by side w'th Lucius’s dissertation can believe it. I will not attempt to give more than a few main points. Lucius’s strongest argument was the absolute silence else- where about the Therapeutae, and this might have weight if we understood the author to assert that communities like that of the Mareotic Lake were to be found everywhere through the Roman world. But as I have said above I see no need to make such a deduction. Lucius also declared that various practices mentioned had Christian parallels, a claim in some cases obviously absurd, in others I daresay justified. But it was necessary to his argument to show that these customs or practices were not only Christian but also non-Jewish and this, if the two writers I have mentioned are to be believed, is rarely if ever the case. (But the one great source of evidence on which a student of Philo not expert in Christian antiquities is entitled to give his opinion is the style and language. Here the evidence as shown not merely in thought but in vocabulary and phrasing seems to me quite beyond dispute) The Testimonia printed by Conybeare at the foot of each page are overwhelming and with the additions made by Wend- land demand at any rate a forger of extraordinary skill. They prove also that Lucius’s study of Philo, as shown in what he considers to be an approximately correct list of the parallels in the treatise with the rest of Philo, was exceedingly inadequate. What- ever was the case when Lucius’s argument was put forward sixty years ago, the tide of opinion has turned against it and rightly so far as I can judge.

The following i is an analysis of the treatise :

He opens with saying that as a counterpart to the

108

THE CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE

practical type represented by the Essenes he will describe the contemplative type which he calls Therapeutic. The name may originally mean heal- ing but also worshipping, and this is the sense in which he further develops it (1-2). He compares this worship to the honour paid to other objects; the elements, the heavenly bodies and images are each reviewed and their inadequacy exposed (3-7), and this discussion ends with a scathing denunciation of the worst of all these false religions the Egyptian animal worship (8-9).

We now return to the Therapeutic type; their most essential characteristic is their mystical aspira- tion to reach the vision of the one God and this leads them to renounce all thoughts of private property (10-13). Philo praises them because in contrast to Anaxagoras and Democritus they do not let their property run to waste but give it over to friends and kinsmen while at the same time they gain leisure to devote themselves to the higher life (14-17). Tree from these cares they leave behind them all family ties and seek solitude away from the corrupting in- fluence of cities (18-20).

While the Therapeutic type in this wider sense is to be found in many parts of the Greek and Barbarian world, and particularly in Egypt, Philo declares that the best of them (in Egypt?) resort from every